Draft:Kashmiri Nationalism
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Kashmiri Nationalism is a socio-political ideology and movement centered around the desire for greater autonomy, self-determination, or independence for the Kashmiri people, who predominantly reside in the region of Kashmir. The movement is deeply rooted in historical grievances, cultural identity, and complex geopolitical dynamics involving India, Pakistan, and China-administered territories.
Regions with significant populations | |
---|---|
India | 6,797,587 (Jammu and Kashmir (1952 to 2019), 2011)*[1] |
Pakistan | 3,330,000 (Lahore District, 2017)†[2] 132,450 (Azad Kashmir, 1998)*[3] |
Canada | 6,165*[4] |
Languages | |
Kashmiri, Pahari-Pothwari, Urdu | |
Religion | |
Majority: Islam (Sunni majority, Shia minority) Minority: | |
Related ethnic groups | |
Other Indo-Aryan peoples | |
*The population figures are only for the number of speakers of the Kashmiri language. May not include ethnic Kashmiris who no longer speak the Kashmiri language or those people who have adopted the Kashmiri identity as a regional or national identity. †The population figures are for those who self identify as ethnic Kashmiris but might not speak the language any more. |
Kashmiri nationalism can be traced back to the late 19th and early 20th centuries, characterized by efforts among Kashmiri intellectuals, activists, and leaders to assert a distinct Kashmiri identity and seek political autonomy from external rulers. During this period, Kashmiris began to articulate grievances against discriminatory policies and perceived cultural and economic exploitation under Dogra rule, which lasted from the mid-19th century until India's independence in 1947. Intellectuals contributed to the early discourse on Kashmiri identity and political rights, advocating for social reform and educational empowerment among Kashmiri Muslims. The movement gained momentum with protests and uprisings, such as the 1931 agitation against the Dogra monarchy, which marked a significant moment of collective resistance and demands for political representation. These early expressions of Kashmiri nationalism laid the groundwork for subsequent movements advocating for greater autonomy or independence, reflecting a desire among Kashmiris to assert their cultural heritage and political aspirations amidst evolving regional and international dynamics.
History
[edit]The history of Kashmiri identity and nationalism spans centuries. Ancient Kashmir was a hub of Buddhist and Hindu civilizations, with influences from Central Asia and Persia shaping its cultural and political landscape. Muslim rule was established in the region in the 14th century, leading to a predominantly Muslim population by the time of British colonial rule.
Under Dogra Rule
[edit]In 1846, the Treaty of Amritsar marked the formal beginning of the Dogra rule under the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir, which remained under the suzerainty of the British Empire until India's independence in 1947. Kashmiri nationalism arose primarily in response to the perceived injustices and discriminatory policies under Dogra rule, which lasted from the 1846 until India's independence in 1947. The Dogra Maharajas, predominantly Hindu rulers, imposed policies that favored their own community and marginalized Kashmiri Muslims, who constituted the majority of the population. These policies included unequal access to education, limited employment opportunities, and economic exploitation through heavy taxation on Muslim agricultural communities. This socio-economic and political marginalization fueled grievances and a sense of injustice among Kashmiri Muslims, laying the groundwork for the emergence of Kashmiri nationalism.[5]
The discrimination against Kashmiri Muslims and the perceived favoritism towards Kashmiri Pandits under Dogra rule[6] culminated in a significant demonstration in 1931, centered around the trial of Abdul Qadeer, an employee of an English army officer, accused of sedition by the Dogra authorities. Thousands of Kashmiri Muslims gathered outside the Srinagar Central Jail, where Qadeer was held, demanding fair treatment and an end to oppressive policies. The peaceful demonstration turned violent when police forces opened fire on the crowd, resulting in the deaths of 21 Muslim protesters.[7] The crowds buried the bodies in the graveyard of the Shrine of Khwaja Bahawuddin Naqshbandi (Ziyarat Naqshband Sahab) in Srinagar, which has since come to be known as Mazar-e-Shuhada or the Martyrs' Graveyard. This incident galvanized public sentiment against Dogra rule and became a symbol of resistance against socio-political oppression in Kashmir..[8] The July 13 protests of 1931, known as "Kashmir Martyrs' Day" or "Youm-e-Shuhada-e-Kashmir" in Kashmiri history and commemoration, are considered a pivotal moment in Kashmiri history, marking the beginning of organized movements for political autonomy and independence from external governance.[9]
Post Independence of India and Pakistan
[edit]The partition of British India into India and Pakistan created a complex situation for princely states like Kashmir, which had the option to accede to either dominion or remain independent. Maharaja Hari Singh, the ruler of Jammu and Kashmir, chose to accede to India in October 1947,[10] sparking immediate conflict with Pakistan. The unresolved status of Kashmir led to the First Indo-Pakistani War (1947-1948), resulting in the division of the region into territories administered by India (Jammu and Kashmir) and Pakistan (Azad Jammu and Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan). The subsequent decades saw recurring tensions and military conflicts between India and Pakistan over Kashmir, including wars in 1965 and 1999, as well as numerous skirmishes and periods of insurgency within Indian-administered Kashmir. The Line of Control (LoC), established in 1972 following the Simla Agreement, continues to separate Indian and Pakistani-controlled territories.[11]
The Indo-Pak wars have profoundly affected Kashmiris, leading to enduring challenges and shaping the course of Kashmiri nationalism and aspirations for self-determination. These wars, notably in 1947-48, 1965, and 1999, have resulted in significant human suffering, displacement, and loss of life among Kashmiri civilians caught in the crossfire. The conflict has disrupted daily life, hindered economic development, and exacerbated social tensions. Moreover, the wars have polarized Kashmiri society, with differing views on whether to align with India, Pakistan, or pursue an independent path. The prolonged military presence and security measures imposed during and after these conflicts have fueled grievances and strengthened calls for greater autonomy or independence among Kashmiris, who seek to assert their political rights and cultural identity in the face of external dominance and conflict-driven realities. The ongoing geopolitical tensions and unresolved territorial disputes continue to shape Kashmir's political landscape, contributing to a complex environment where aspirations for self-determination and national identity remain central to the Kashmiri struggle for peace and stability.[12]
Under Pakistan
[edit]Since 1947, Kashmiri nationalism in Pakistan-administered Kashmir has evolved through various phases. Initially, the region saw the formation of Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) and Gilgit-Baltistan following the First Indo-Pakistani War. Early nationalist movements were primarily focused on the desire for self-governance and integration with Pakistan, but over time, a distinct Kashmiri identity began to emerge. Prominent leaders like Sardar Muhammad Ibrahim Khan, who played a key role in the creation of AJK, and more recently, figures like Sardar Abdul Qayyum Khan, have significantly contributed to the political landscape. These leaders have advocated for both closer ties with Pakistan and greater autonomy, reflecting the region's complex aspirations. The nationalist movement in Pakistan-administered Kashmir continues to navigate between calls for self-determination, administrative autonomy, and the broader geopolitical interests of Pakistan.
The Poonch uprising of 1955[14] played a pivotal role in the development of Kashmiri nationalism by highlighting the grievances and aspirations of the local populace against the central administration.The uprising broke out in February 1955 and was provoked largely by the dismissal of Sardar Ibrahim Khan.[15] A significant uprising took place around the Rawalakot and Pallandri tehsils of Poonch, directed against the State of Pakistan by disgruntled Sudhans. Following the unexpected dismissal of Sardar Ibrahim Khan, Colonel Sher Ahmed Khan, a respected leader of the Sudhan tribe and the highest-ranking military officer from Poonch, was appointed as a cabinet minister responsible for defense, education, and health. However, he resigned because his community, the Sudhans, vehemently opposed his appointment due to their dissatisfaction with Sardar Ibrahim Khan's removal. This led to violent protests, particularly in the Rawalakot and Pallandri areas of Poonch, where the Sudhans, displeased with the new government, demonstrated their opposition. Tensions escalated to the point where the Sudhans clashed with Pakistan Army contingents stationed in the area, raising significant concerns for the Central Government.
The situation in Poonch deteriorated to the extent that the Azad Kashmir Police were unable to manage it. To control the unrest, members of the Punjab Constabulary of the Pakistani Army were brought in. Additionally, the Pakistan Army's 12th Division, based in Murree and with forces already deployed in Azad Kashmir, intervened, imposing martial law in Poonch. The conflict was intense; some Sudhans managed to capture 150 soldiers from the Punjab Constabulary, along with their weapons. The anti-government actions by the Sudhans began in February 1955, marked by an assassination attempt on the Azad Kashmir President, Sher Ahmed Khan, in Poonch, from which he narrowly escaped. The situation worsened when police attempted to arrest a suspect by entering a mosque in Pallandri, leading to clashes between the Sudhans and the Pakistan Army, as well as the Punjab Constabulary, which responded harshly. The Punjab Prosecuting Agency also acted aggressively towards Azad Kashmiris, particularly those who were imprisoned. It took until 1956 to fully suppress the uprising, which involved a search operation by the Pakistan Army in Sudhnuti, known as Operation PC Pak Search Sudhan Operation.[16][17]
Sardar Abdul Qayyum would later write that, "In 1955 when police were brought in from the Punjab, what they did here is a black stain on our history… When in 1956 I became the president I got a chance to reduce their grievances. Hence a number of people who were in prison and suffering distress were released…. but those whose homes were burnt out were not compensated. Although to reduce their sorrows in sympathy, I gave them bits of money.”[18] On the Ministry of Kashmir Affairs, Sardar Ibrahim Khan exclaimed, "The Ministry played havoc with the Azad Kashmir movement and had it finally liquidated to the satisfaction of all bureaucrats in Pakistan.” On democracy in AJK, he also stated, "It is like hell. It is the worst example of democracy…. It has not served Kashmiris at all. It has always divided [them] and made them fight amongst themselves.”
The uprising had led to a number of strict and draconian security laws being passed by the local government and Ministry of Kashmir Affairs, including the ‘Azad Kashmir Public Safety Act 1953’, ‘The Pallandhri Disturbances Special Tribunal Act 1955 and 1956’, ‘The Control of Goondas Act 1956’, as well as ‘The Azad Kashmir Recovery of Abducted Persons Act 1953 and 1956’.[18]
Human rights violations in Pakistan-administered Kashmir, particularly in Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK), have been reported by various human rights organizations. Issues include restrictions on freedom of expression, assembly, and association. Critics of the government or those advocating for independence or greater autonomy have faced harassment, arbitrary detention, and enforced disappearances. There have also been reports of torture and ill-treatment of political activists and journalists. The political climate is tightly controlled, with significant influence from Pakistani security agencies, limiting the space for genuine political discourse and dissent. These human rights concerns highlight the challenges faced by the region's residents in exercising their fundamental rights and freedoms.[19]
Under India
[edit]Since the partition of British India in 1947, Kashmiri nationalism in Indian-administered Kashmir have been integral to the region's tumultuous history. Initially led by Sheikh Abdullah, who aimed for Kashmir's integration with India under special autonomy provisions, the region later experienced a shift as grievances grew over perceived erosion of autonomy.[20] This dissatisfaction escalated into armed insurgency in the late 1980s, supported by Pakistan, with separatist leaders like Maqbool Bhat, Yasin Malik, Syed Ali Shah Geelani and Mirwaiz Umar Farooq prominently advocating for Kashmiri self-determination and highlighting alleged human rights abuses by Indian security forces. This insurgency has led to persistent unrest and a heavy military presence, despite intermittent attempts at peace talks. Kashmir remains a deeply contested territory, where unresolved political aspirations continue to shape its complex and volatile landscape.
Maqbool Bhat, born in 1938 in Trehgam, Kashmir, is often regarded as the father of the Kashmiri independence movement. He was deeply influenced by the political instability in Kashmir and the broader geopolitical conflict between India and Pakistan. After completing his education in Pakistan, Bhat became actively involved in political activism and co-founded the National Liberation Front (NLF) in 1965, which later evolved into the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF)[21]. Bhat's vision was to establish an independent and secular Kashmir, free from Indian and Pakistani control. His militant activities brought him into the spotlight, especially after the hijacking of an Indian Airlines plane in 1971 by JKLF members. This act was intended to bring global attention to the Kashmir issue, but it also led to Bhat's arrest and subsequent execution by the Indian government in 1984, which made him a martyr and a symbol of resistance for many Kashmiris. On the other hand, Amanullah Khan, born in 1934 in Gilgit (now in Pakistan-administered Kashmir), also played a crucial role alongside Bhat in the Kashmiri independence movement. After studying law in Pakistan, Khan became a key figure in the fight for self-determination for Kashmir. He co-founded the JKLF with Bhat, focusing on both political and militant strategies to achieve independence. Under his leadership, the JKLF gained considerable momentum, particularly after Bhat's execution, which intensified anti-India sentiments in Kashmir.
The rise of the JKLF in the 1980s was marked by a series of significant political and militant activities that greatly influenced the development of Kashmiri nationalism. The organization officially formed in 1977, but its influence surged in the late 1980s following the controversial 1987 state elections in Jammu and Kashmir, which were widely perceived as rigged by the Indian government. This electoral fraud disillusioned many Kashmiris, particularly the youth, who saw it as a denial of their democratic rights. As a result, many young Kashmiris were drawn to the JKLF, which advocated for armed struggle as a means to achieve independence. In 1989, the JKLF launched a full-scale insurgency against Indian rule in Kashmir, beginning with the kidnapping of Rubaiya Sayeed, the daughter of the then Indian Home Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, in December 1989. This high-profile kidnapping was a strategic move by the JKLF to secure the release of five of its jailed militants and to draw international attention to the Kashmir issue. The Indian government, under pressure, agreed to the demands, marking a significant victory for the JKLF. Throughout 1989 and the early 1990s, the JKLF carried out numerous attacks, including ambushes on Indian security forces and bomb blasts across Kashmir. The organization’s actions were seen as a direct challenge to Indian sovereignty and had the effect of rallying more support for the independence movement within Kashmir.
However, the early 1990s also marked a turning point for the JKLF. The rise of Islamist groups like Hizb-ul-Mujahideen, which were backed by Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and advocated for Kashmir's merger with Pakistan, began to overshadow the secular and independentist ideology of the JKLF. This shift in dynamics led to ideological differences and internal conflicts within the insurgency, weakening the JKLF's influence. In 1994, Yasin Malik, one of the prominent leaders of the JKLF, made a significant decision to declare a unilateral ceasefire, signaling a shift from armed struggle to peaceful political activism. This decision was driven by the realization that continued violence was leading to immense suffering among the Kashmiri population and was not yielding the desired political outcomes. Malik's decision led to a split within the JKLF, with Amanullah Khan and his supporters continuing to advocate for armed resistance, particularly from their base in Pakistan-administered Kashmir. Despite this internal split, Malik’s faction, which operated mainly in Indian-administered Kashmir, remained committed to non-violent methods, focusing on political mobilization and international advocacy for Kashmiri self-determination.
The JKLF's transition to peaceful struggle marked a new phase in the Kashmiri independence movement. While the organization’s influence waned over time, its early militant activities had already significantly shaped the narrative of Kashmiri nationalism. The JKLF's insistence on an independent Kashmir, free from both Indian and Pakistani control, resonated deeply with many Kashmiris, particularly during the height of its militancy in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Even as the JKLF moved away from violence, the legacy of its struggle continued to influence the broader movement for Kashmiri independence.
Several massacres in Kashmir have deeply affected Kashmiri nationalism and intensified sentiments against Indian administration. One significant incident occurred in 1990 in Gawkadal, Srinagar, where Indian security forces opened fire on a peaceful protest, resulting in the deaths of over 50 civilians.[22] This massacre exacerbated anti-India sentiments and fueled support for separatist movements. Another notorious incident was the 1991 Kunan Poshpora mass rape allegations, where Indian security forces were accused of gang-raping dozens of Kashmiri women. This incident not only sparked widespread outrage and protests but also galvanized Kashmiri nationalism as it highlighted the vulnerability and mistreatment faced by Kashmiri civilians under Indian rule.[23] These incidents, along with numerous other human rights violations documented by international organizations, have significantly contributed to the persistence of separatist sentiments and demands for self-determination among Kashmiri nationalists. In Kashmir, press freedom and journalism face significant restrictions, particularly concerning coverage of issues related to Kashmiri independence. Journalists and writers advocating for Kashmiri self-determination often operate under strict surveillance and censorship by Indian authorities. Instances of internet shutdowns and communication blackouts during periods of unrest severely hamper journalistic activities, hindering the dissemination of information. Moreover, journalists critical of Indian policies or sympathetic to the Kashmiri cause have faced intimidation, harassment, and even arbitrary detention. This environment has led to a chilling effect on free expression and has raised concerns among human rights organizations about violations of press freedom and the targeting of individuals for their journalistic work in Kashmir.[24]
On August 5, 2019 Article 370 and Article 35A were revoked by the Indian government, which abolished the special autonomous status of Jammu and Kashmir, leading to significant changes in governance. The decision aimed to fully integrate Jammu and Kashmir into the Indian Union, thereby applying all Indian laws uniformly across the region and removing barriers to investment and development. According to the Indian government, the move was intended to promote socio-economic development, enhance security measures, and provide equal opportunities to residents of Jammu and Kashmir. However, the revocation sparked widespread protests and concerns among Kashmiri residents and regional leaders, who viewed it as an erosion of their political autonomy and cultural identity. In response, new militant organizations such as, People's Anti-Fascist Front and The Resistance Front, emerged in the region, challenging the Indian government's actions and contributing to ongoing unrest and security challenges in Kashmir.[25]
Popular Organizations
[edit]In Azad Jammu and Kashmir
[edit]Azad Jammu and Kashmir, under Pakistan's administration, has seen the rise of several prominent political and militant organizations advocating for Kashmiri rights and self-determination. The All Parties Hurriyat Conference in AJK serves as a coalition of political and religious groups striving for a plebiscite to determine Kashmir's political future according to UN resolutions. Other groups include the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front, which historically advocated for an independent Kashmir but later shifted focus to regional autonomy within the framework of Pakistan.
In Jammu and Kashmir
[edit]Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir has witnessed the emergence of various political parties and separatist organizations seeking greater autonomy or outright independence from India. The All Parties Hurriyat Conference, distinct from its AJK counterpart, represents a coalition of separatist groups advocating for dialogue with India and Pakistan while emphasizing Kashmiri representation in any negotiated settlement. The Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front, founded by Amanullah Khan and Maqbool Bhat in the 1970s, initially pursued an independent Kashmir but later evolved to support the region's right to self-determination.[26]
Other significant groups in JK include the Hizbul Mujahideen, a militant organization formed in the late 1980s that operates primarily in Indian-administered Kashmir, advocating for Kashmiri independence or accession to Pakistan through armed struggle. The Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammed are militant groups with origins in Pakistan, operating in Kashmir and supporting the region's accession to Pakistan.
After the event of 5 August, new militant organizations such as, People's Anti-Fascist Front and The Resistance Front, emerged in the region, contributing to ongoing unrest and security challenges in Kashmir.
Jammu and Kashmir recently saw the rise of, Kashmir Tigers, a new militant group which has since been linked to several high-profile attacks, including those in the Doda and Kathua districts. Most recently, in 2024, the Kashmir Tigers claimed responsibility for an encounter in Doda that resulted in the deaths of several Indian soldiers.
Kashmiri Diaspora
[edit]The Kashmiri and Mirpuri diaspora have been pivotal in advancing Kashmiri nationalism and advocating for the region's freedom. Headquarters of diaspora organizations are often found in major cities of the UK, US, Canada, and Pakistan, where large communities reside. They actively organize protests globally to highlight Kashmir's plight and demand self-determination. Notable protests include demonstrations in London outside the Indian High Commission, where diaspora members have gathered to protest human rights violations and call for international intervention. Similarly, in cities like New York and Toronto, diaspora groups have rallied to raise awareness and urge their respective governments to address the Kashmir conflict. These efforts amplify Kashmiri voices on the global stage, contributing significantly to international discourse and support for Kashmiri aspirations for freedom and justice.
References
[edit]- ^ "Abstract Of Speakers' Strength of Languages And Mother Tongues – 2011" (PDF). Census India (.gov). 2011. Archived (PDF) from the original on 15 August 2020. Retrieved 17 March 2020.
- ^ "District Profile". District Lahore - Government of Punjab. Archived from the original on 27 November 2023.
- ^ Shakil, Mohsin (2012), Languages of Erstwhile State of Jammu Kashmir (A Preliminary Study)
- ^ "Canada 2021 Census Profile". Census Profile, 2021 Census. Statistics Canada Statistique Canada. 7 May 2021. Retrieved 3 January 2023.
- ^ "Kashmir's struggle did not start in 1947".
- ^ Naik, Showkat Ahmad. Landlords, Peasants and the Dogra Rule in Kashmir. Indian History Congress.
- ^ Lone, G M (2014-07-13). "13 July 1931: A Chapter of Kashmir". Kashmir Life. Archived from the original on 16 July 2016. Retrieved 2020-12-20.
- ^ Kumar, Radha (2018). Paradise at War: A Political History of Kashmir. New Delhi: Aleph. pp. 25–27. ISBN 9789388292122.
- ^ "A Chapter of Kashmir". 13 July 2014.
- ^ "Maharaja Hari Singh Signed Instrument of Accession". The Times of India. 26 October 2023.
- ^ "Simla Agreement: History and Significance of a Set of High Ideals". 2 July 2022.
- ^ India–Pakistan Wars and the Kashmir Crisis. Rathnam Indurthy. 2020.
- ^ "State Flag". Government of Azad Kashmir. 2003. Archived from the original on 2004-03-04. Retrieved 10 August 2016.
- ^ II: Revolt and Pacification 4.Early Years and the Sudhan Revolt. HarperCollins India. 13 February 2021.
- ^ Snedden, Christopher (2013). Kashmir: The Unwritten History. India: Harper Collins Publishers. ISBN 978-9350298978.
- ^ Snedden, Christopher. Kashmir - The Untold Story. HarperCollins India. pp. 120, 121, 122. ISBN 9789350298985.
- ^ Khan Yousafzai, Usman (18 March 2021). "The forgotten Poonch revolt: A stain on our history". tribune.com.pk. The Express Tribune. Retrieved 20 June 2021.
- ^ a b Khan Yousafzai, Usman (18 March 2021). "The forgotten Poonch revolt: A stain on our history". tribune.com.pk. The Express Tribune. Retrieved 20 June 2021.
- ^ "Human Rights Violations in Azad Kashmir".
- ^ "The Legacy of Sheikh Abdullah Amidst Shifting Narratives in Kashmir".
- ^ "A Brief History of the J&K Liberation Front, Now Banned Under UAPA". The Wire. Retrieved 23 March 2019.
- ^ "Gaw Kadal Massacre". 19 January 2024.
- ^ "26 Years After Kunan Poshpora, Army Still Enjoys Immunity For Sexual Violence".
- ^ "Journalists, human rights defenders in Kashmir face increasing assaults". 18 May 2023.
- ^ "What's Article 370? What to know about India top court verdict on Kashmir".
- ^ "A Brief History of the J&K Liberation Front, Now Banned Under UAPA".