User:Red Shogun412/sandbox/Identity and beliefs

:Red Shogun412, also known as RedMethyst, is a self-aspiring historian, economist, political theorist, jurist, philosopher, and revolutionary, fervently advocating for Georgism, distributist mutualism, equal-liberty jurisprudence, proportional representation, constitutional economics, anti-imperialism, environmental justice, alter-globalization, and cooperative banking.

Shepard identifies as a defensive liberal institutionalist and constructivist, transcendental humanist and spiritual naturalist, dipolar rationalistic panendeist, rationalist ethical intuitionist and ethical non-naturalist, postpositivist neo-Kantian, mysterian panpsychist, compatibilist, four-dimensional eternalist, bioregional Georgist/geolibertarian socialist and left-libertarian market anarchist, distributist mutualist, equal-liberty iusnaturalist, interculturalist, post-Keynesian and constitutional economist, endogenous growth and new trade theorist, bright-green environmentalist, ecological economist, deflation hawk and monetary dove, fundamental reformist, anti-authoritarian libertarian paternalist, cellular-democratic libertarian municipalist, anti-imperialist, post-Zionist, Blue Star Wiccan moralist, post-structural individualist anarchist sex-positive feminist, alter-globalizationist, cultural liberal, spiritual ecosophist, and landscape ecological-urbanist.

Shepard has identified Bruce Ackerman, Hannah Arendt, Aristotle, Kenneth Arrow, Marcus Aurelius, Benjamin Franklin Bache, Mikhail Bakunin, Jack Balkin, Mustafa Barzani, Jeremy Bentham, Eduard Bernstein, Alexander Bogdanov, Murray Bookchin, Ralph Borsodi, John Brown, William Jennings Bryan, James M. Buchanan, Marcus Tullius Cicero, Edwin Chadwick, Ha-Joon Chang, Gary Chartier, Erwin Chemerinsky, Raj Chetty, Noam Chomsky, John B. Cobb, John R. Commons, Richard Cumberland, Ray Dalio, Herman Daly, Guy Debord, Gilles Deleuze, John Dewey, Fyodor Dostoevsky, Frederick Douglass, Ronald Dworkin, Barry Eichengreen, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Friedrich Engles, Desiderius Erasmus, Irving Fisher, Fred Foldvary, Benjamin Franklin, John Kenneth Galbraith, Giuseppi Garibaldi, Henry George, Wynne Godley, William Godwin, Emma Goldman, Paul Goodman, Antonio Gramsci, Hugo Grotius, Félix Guattari, Alexander Hamilton, Heraclitus, Moses Hess, Eric Hobsbawm, J. A. Hobson, Francis Hutcheson, Joris-Karl Huysmans, William James, Thomas Jefferson, Carl Jung, Daniel Kahneman, Immanuel Kant, Karl Kautsky, Robert F. Kennedy, John Maynard Keynes, Martin Luther King Jr., Naomi Klein, Leopold Kohr, Richard Koo, David Korten, Paul Krugman, Ferdinand Lassalle, Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, Sanford Levinson, Abraham Lincoln, Edward Livingston, John Locke, Jack London, James Madison, Thomas Mann, James Meade, John Stuart Mill, Hyman Minsky, G. E. Moore, Benny Morris, Friedrich Nietzsche, Robert Owen, Thomas Paine, Robert M. Pirsig, Georgi Plekhanov, Karl Popper, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, François Quesnay, David Ricardo, Maximilien Robespierre, Bertrand Russell, Michael Sandel, Arthur Schopenhauer, E. F. Schumacher, Amartya Sen, Adam Smith, Socrates, Herbert Spencer, Baruch Spinoza, Lysander Spooner, Starhawk, Joseph Stiglitz, Scott Sumner, Cass Sunstein, Charles Taylor, Nicolaus Tideman, Norman Thomas, Henry David Thoreau, James Tobin, Leo Tolstoy, Laurence Tribe, Benjamin Tucker, Anne Robert Jacques Turgot, Thorstein Veblen, Voltaire, Alexander von Humboldt, Immanuel Wallerstein, Michael Walzer, Max Weber, Daniel Webster, H. G. Wells, Richard Werner, Alfred North Whitehead, Walt Whitman, Gerrard Winstanley, Mary Wollstonecraft, Martin Wolf, and Richard D. Wolff as major influences on their philosophical and leadership views.

Shepard supports a synthesis of neo-Ricardian, New and post-Keynesian, Georgist, neo-chartalist, distributist, and behavioral economics alongside theories on debt deflation and credit cycles; the Henry George theorem; balanced budgets following debt repayment; low debt-to-GDP ratios; demand-side economics with preference towards infrastructure-based development; full-reserve banking; a PAYGO system, except during recessions or periods of slowed economic growth when deficit spending is most effective; a land value and negative income tax alongside universal demogrants (to counteract urban sprawl, gentrification, and spatial inequality); nominal GDP (NGDP) level targeting; climate change mitigation and adaptation; economic democracy and worker cooperatives (democratic socialism); cooperations between the public-private sector; diplomatic, progressive, and pragmatic international and domestic policies; permanent standard time; campaign finance reform; restrictions on lobbyists; the term-limitation of all elected officials (Representatives to a 4-year term and Senators to a 6-year term, both limited to 3 consecutive or non-consecutive terms) and U.S. Supreme Court justices (a tenure of only 24 years after confirmation or until reaching the age of 78), a Second Bill of Rights, and increasing the apportionment of the lower house of Congress; rural-urban proportional representation and multi-winner preferential voting; democratic glocalization; reproductive rights; a post-scarcity steady-state economy; popular and progressive education; intergenerational equity; the separation of church and state; fair-trade globalization (to help end and succeed the neocolonial status quo); urban growth boundaries without gentrification; urban community- and development-supported agriculture and farmers' markets; mitigation of urban heat islands, carbon sequestration, slash-and-char, greater investment in algae fuel and seaweed farming, bioenergy with carbon capture and storage, restrained ocean fertilization and solar radiation management; criminal justice and prison reform (ultimately supporting prison abolition and reallocating funds from militarized policing to social and community services), decarceration, and restorative justice. Shepard also supports the Kurdish, Palestinian, and Jewish peoples right to self-determination, thus supporting the founding of a sovereign Kurdistan and binational solution to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict (both based on cellular-democratic confederations); Northern Irish and Scottish independence from Great Britain and the potential reunification of Ireland beyond ethnoreligious divides (believing Northern Ireland's continued dependence on – and recent calls for greater control by – Great Britain following the post-Brexit Protocol and Irish Sea border to be counterproductive and motivated by tradition and ideological cohesion); a greater usage of local currency and equitable international competition; and a commitment to the higher law of equal liberty (as opposed to egoistic legal positivism), libertarian personal autonomy, and a semi-direct and semi-parliamentarian good government (as opposed to and superseding contractarian bourgeois-democratic representative government).

In response to the European sovereign debt crisis and mounting debt-to-GDP ratios, austerity programmes, bank bailouts, and junk accumulation, Shepard believes a viable solution to the present Eurozone crisis is for trade-surplus EU countries (Germany, Austria, the Netherlands) to depreciate their currencies and raise real wages by initiating a price/wage spiral of nominal GDP (NGDP) level targeted infrastructure-based development and a land value tax - including universal demogrants - to increase the production and consumption of domestic goods and services, while trade-deficient EU countries (Greece, Spain, France) should prioritize export-oriented industrialization to lower domestic consumption and increase savings and competition, with these individual processes being viable without a shared eurozone, even if a fiscal union were to be established under contemporary circumstances. Shepard also supports organized worker cooperatives within a cellular democracy as a viable post-Marxist alternative to workers' councils as promoted by council communism, the Dutch-German current of anti-Stalinist left communism, due to a shared workers' self-management and the former transcending a delegate model of representation by making the producers of labour autonomous in deliberating choices for their collective interests, as opposed to an elected representative who may feel superior and possess one's own corrupting interests, so as to avoid centralization of the democratic process in a partisan, duopolistic and potentially authoritarian manner.

Regarding economics, Shepard believes in a cooperation between the government (using fiscal policy) and the central bank (using monetary policy) to mitigate bad inflation by lowering the money supply over an extended period of time (disinflation) and matching the supply and the demand, either by tightening the money supply and/or raising interest rates to lower demand (due to an economic bubble) or lowering import quotas and/or implementing contractionary fiscal policy to increase competitive supply (due to a trade surplus). By extension, he supports a synthesis of neo-Ricardian, New Keynesian, neo-chartalist, and behavioral economics, also seeking policies to avert and/or prevent contemporary debt deflation, yet, when it is inevitable, supports reflation alongside infrastructure-based development and increases in real wages (mostly via a price/wage spiral and universal demogrants alongside some redistributive progressive taxation) as a viable recovery method for the impending recession. Shepard also supports deficit spending and interest rate fluctuations during recessions to stimulate the economy (with a higher rates to stimulate a deflating economy alongside infrastructure-based development, with a NAIBER-derived job guarantee to reconcile any price/wage spirals and both demand-pull and cost-push inflation), but opposes both free-floating fiat currency alongside long-term import substitution and financial repression (inflationism), and monetarism alongside structural adjustment, austerity prior to the maximum tax revenue, currency devaluations and zero interest-rate policies.

Shepard contends it is the absence of a managed-floating fiat currency, full-reserve banking, a tax on land value rents and a citizen's dividend alongside nominal GDP level targeting and sufficient progressive taxation (a necessary evil under rampant economic inequality), and various smaller and regulated financial institutions, which sustains and perpetuates permanent deficit spending, sovereign and public debt accumulation, divergences in economic equity, currency appreciation enabling low inflation and trade deficits, and long-term overvaluation of the fiat currency. It is under this cycle, Shepard contends, that governments relegate the role of influencing the inflation rate and money supply to the central bank via (direct and indirect) quantitative easing and cutting interest rates (the Greenspan / Fed put), consistently displaying its unsustainability with soft landings and slow real GDP growth, and that the decline in economic-cyclical volatility from 1985–2007, alongside currency appreciation, historically low interest rates and financialization during and after recessions prevent national debt (including external and public) from being paid for by keeping the markets on continuous asset price bubble without actual gains in real GDP that would otherwise increase disposable wealth; all of which procures permanent deficit spending, substantial trade deficits, leveraged companies due to a corporate debt bubble, large increases in economic inequality and private investment, unwarranted asset price inflation, the erosion of good governance and civic participation, and a false sense of security in "full employment" as socio-economic inequities in both economic regions of the globe are perpetuated, notably by:

- Burdening the middle-class taxpayers in developed countries to pay for government spending despite lower wages, existent debt, and lower social mobility;
- Lowering real wages as the domestic workforce is laid-off and/or outsourced (or replaced with automation), producing wage slavery, the commodification of education, healthcare, housing, and agriculture, the middle-class squeeze and elite overproduction (prompting elite aspirants to embrace populist leaders, for good or bad);
- Increasing poverty, hunger, drug use, violence, and terrorism in urban cities (urban decay), prompting suburban exodus which perpetuates urban sprawl under the continuous real estate bubble (derived from the Fed put) and disincentived productive construction and use, which worsens urban decay and produces human capital flight in a positive feedback loop;
- The planned obsolescence of goods and services internationally for higher profits at cheaper expenses, and the accumulation of financial capital and assets by a corporate capitalist digerati;
- Promoting domestic law and order policies via police militarization and the war on drugs that produces mass incarceration, private, for-profit prisons, felony disenfranchisement, and the disproportionate presence of mentally ill people, women, ethnic minorities, and school dropouts in jails and prisons (the prison–industrial complex);
- The decline of industry as the secondary sector of the economy;
- Slower gross domestic product growth and increasing unemployment (due to job outsourcing and automation);
- And a deteriorating social safety net and looming pensions crisis;

all of which worsens economic conditions for lower earning sectors in advanced economies and increases environmental degradation, contributing to illiberal regimes in many developed and developing countries, and the persistent inequitable relationship of Washington Consensus free trade in allowing developed countries to exploit developing and least developed countries by using government agencies and corporate interests to extract natural resources, capital and employment the latter countries would otherwise depend on for development, thus preventing them from reaping the benefits of free and fair trade.

Shepard believes that developing countries will most benefit from free and fair trade once their economies are allowed to develop organically, allowing them to eventually be able to participate in the global economy and international affairs, and views the Cold War (specifically Operation Condor) as having emboldened neocolonial ambitions in Western bloc countries in the aftermath of post-World War II decolonisation in Africa and Asia. He also views advances in economic globalization, racial integration, and feminism as having been inhibited by the isolationist trend following World War I and the crises of the Great Depression and World War II, which continued with social-democratic protectionism during the "golden age of capitalism". As the population ages in many developed/developing countries, Shepard contends that viable options for preventing future middle and lower-class generations from being burdened by unprecedented interest rates and taxes and the breakdown of the global consumer economy should be: A combination of reversing neoliberal deregulations and privatizations, enforcing antitrust policies to promote effective competition, imposing welfare capitalism, progressive taxation to pay off sovereign and public debt, executing infrastructure-based development (alongside currency depreciation) and urban planning, implementing immigration reforms and automation reduction, a land value tax and citizen's dividend, nominal GDP level targeting, human population planning, withering away many interstate economic unions in favor of cosmopolitan fair trade agreements, and promoting free movement and education of migrants and refugees alongside remittance support to eventually reverse the human capital flight in many tumultuous developing countries; all of which will ultimately contribute to restoring a country's trade surplus, significantly reducing national debts, reversing the productivity paradox, increasing real wages, disposable incomes and fertility rates (thus warranting free movement of migrants to developing countries to improve conditions there), and improving the average utility, leading towards more developed countries, higher standards of living and social mobility, reduced economic inequality and social exclusion, zeroing population growth to an optimum level (with anti-aging strategies assisting a trend towards negligible senescence as sub-replacement fertility is reversed), leading to a steady-state economy and resulting agrowth, greater multicultural liberty, and improved sustainability and human security worldwide. Shepard also supports diminishing the wants in society and improving self-reliance and delaying the uptake of labor-saving machines until existent unemployment is effectively addressed (short-term refusal of innovation). If central banking fails to accommodate for the general will of the people in accordance with equal liberty, or if its functions are to become de facto obsolete, Shepard supports the restructuring of monetary policy within a semi-technocratic executive cabinet in accordance with semi-parliamentary governance and committed to the synthesis of Post-Keynesian economics, Georgism, polycentric law, constitutional economics and world-systems theory.

Shepard has advocated for a series of amendments to the Constitution of the United States to be proposed via Article Five of the United States Constitution, where the proposed amendments would encompass uncompromising fundamental principles of politics, law, morality, spirituality, and general philosophy, and would include:

• To solidify for the two methods of proposing amendments, as expressed in Article Five of the United States Constitution, that they shall both be of equal weight and unequivocally stand (regardless of the subsequent method chosen) as valid proposals when either a simple majority of both houses of the United States Congress vote, or a simple majority of state legislatures request, to propose amendments to this Constitution as such; and to solidify for the two methods of ratifying amendments proposed as such, as expressed in Article Five of the United States Constitution, that they shall both be of equal weight and unequivocally stand (regardless of the antecedent method chosen) as valid ratifications when either two-thirds of states, or two-thirds of state ratifying conventions, ratify amendments to this Constitution as such.
• A proposal to revise Article Three of the United States Constitution to: (1) establish a non-exhaustive entrenched code of law expounding fundamental principles of fairness, morality, and justice to serve as a check on the judiciary, inspired by Corpus Juris Civilis, Roman-Dutch and Scots law, the Swiss Civil Code, and the German civil code (as it pertains to private law); (2) regulate federal judges and Supreme Court justices to strive to interpret the Constitution from a pragmatism grounded on a conscionable formalist understanding of the equal liberty doctrine (a rule according to higher law); and (3) bind all federal judges and Supreme Court justices to only enforce the principles as prescribed in this amendment dutifully, within the grounds of their jurisdiction, and without establishing binding legal precedents (which may still be used by judges and justices at their own discretion). This amendment establishes a mixed legal system, superseding the exclusive system of common law - inherited from the English tradition - that was enshrined by and for the judiciary itself in Marbury v. Madison (1803), which makes it more challenging for members of the judiciary to develop and fortify their own sets of laws against the will of the people (as expressed in the Constitution), demarcates rules pertaining to how federal judges and justices are to interpret fundamental constitutional matters within a standard of equal liberty, and more so incentivizes that members of the judiciary remain impartial and stringent on the words of both the man-made laws in question and of the fundamental principles as prescribed, of which no federal court, not even the Supreme Court, can overturn or be exempt from.
• Mandating a single transferable vote for elections to the United States House of Representatives, with a quota rule to be passed by statue (advisably the Hagenbach-Bischoff quota) and apportionment strictly based on the population of each state (in accordance with Federalist No. 55), irrespective of apportionment into arbitrarily-drawn congressional districts within the states, with results calculated by a comparison of pairs of outcomes; this amendment provides for a more proportionally representative electoral system relative to the present Huntington-Hill method. It also supersedes both the Reapportionment Act of 1929 (which extended the cap of 435 Representatives for future sessions of Congress) and the Uniform Congressional District Act (which outlawed multi-member districts and mixed-member proportional representation). Due to these facets, this amendment also negates the need to apportion members into single-member districts, which would otherwise greatly congest states into numerous, smaller-sized districts that could occur if following the Wyoming Rule instead (which lacks any mention of dividing members into multiple districts to conserve district space). Taking all this into account, the amendment is designed to explicitly counteract the systemic trend towards a gerrymandered two-party system with sub-optimal voter efficacy and high probability of tactical voting that fails the independence of irrelevant alternatives, and prohibits the continuance of first-past-the-post voting that nurtures and entrenches the former conditions (see: Duverger's law & Disadvantages of plurality voting). Finally, this amendment also supersedes the pending Congressional Apportionment Amendment (or, "Article the First"), initially proposed as part of the Bill of Rights in 1789, which, arguably, would have been eventually replaced with an amendment similar to that which is now proposed had it been ratified by 1789-92, as keeping Article the First in place consistently would have produced an impractical and excruciating amount of over 6,000 representatives, made especially more problematic if single-member districts were to remain the norm.
• Codification of the Lemon test to preserve a neutral, three-fold enforcement of the separation of church and state which adds a firmer layer to future exercises and interpretations of the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment to the United States Constitution, superseding Kennedy v. Bremerton School District (2022) as it pertains to Establishment Clause case law (but not in judgment), whilst also providing for this amendment to be enforceable against the states pursuant to the incorporation of the Establishment Clause.

Shepard opposes fractional-reserve banking, floating and fixed exchange rates, the new neoclassical synthesis (NNS), liberal internationalism (neoconservatism), trickle-down and supply-side economics, shock therapy, rent-seeking, (social) neoliberalism, conservatarianism, paleolibertarianism, anarcho-capitalism/crypto-anarchism, paleoconservatism, most forms of protectionism, anti-globalization, demagogic and anti-intellectual populism, movement conservatism, sovereign citizen and patriot militia ideology, (welfare) chauvinism, social patriotism, national syndicalism, integral nationalism, expansionist nationalism, (economic) imperialism, (settler) colonialism, (clerical and neo-)fascism, (esoteric) Nazism, Heathenry, deep ecology, ecoauthoritarianism, anarcho-primitivism, eco-capitalism, Falangism (National Catholicism), the Third Position (National Bolshevism, Strasserism, national-anarchism), soviet democracy, libertarian Marxism (council communism), social conservatism, national conservatism (Putinism/Rashism, Erdoğanism, Trumpism), supremacism (Social Darwinism), fundamentalism, (scientific) racism, sexism, homophobia (heteronormativity, transphobia), transmisogyny, religious nationalism, national mysticism, liberal conservatism, Leninism (Marxism–Leninism, Trotskyism), barracks communism, vanguardism, state socialism (Juche), (Russian) nihilism, moral relativism, (anti)positivism, materialism, creation science (intelligent design), New Atheism, classical pantheism, the anti-cult and anti-gender movements, nationalist historiography (Antiquization), the complete eradication of suffering, commodity fetishism, modern capitalist society (including state and corporate capitalism), corporate welfare and tax inversion, hard determinism, naturalistic libertarianism, hard incompatibilism, (theological) fatalism, necessitarianism, psychophysical parallelism (occasionalism), philosophical presentism, phenomenalism and actualism, business ontology and nationalism, regulatory capture/client politics, productivism, the efficient-market hypothesis and real business-cycle and general equilibrium theory, quantitative easing, austerity prior to the maximum tax revenue (budget sequestration), the monetarist conditions of structural adjustment, debt monetization, financialization, competitive devaluations, long-term dependency on import substitution industrialisation and financial repression (to prevent runaway inflation), bilateral export-oriented industrialisation, nativistic producerism and consumerism, neo-Ottomanism, prosperity and liberation theology, idealism and offensive neorealism, ethical solipsism, rational egoism (Homo economicus), rugged individualism, autarchism, egoist anarchism (insurrectionism), collective farming, classism, the tyranny of merit, violent social revolution, Hobbesian social contract theory, the discovery doctrine and divine right of kings, law and order, school disturbance laws, zero tolerance in schools, most school resource officers, victim feminism, xenofeminism, postgenderism, identity politics in the context of bourgeois nationalism (i.e. rainbow capitalism and identitarianism), slavery as a positive good, and the Judeo-Masonic, Cultural Marxism, white genocide, Satanic ritual abuse, and QAnon conspiracy theories.

Shepard believes, in light of the January 6 United States Capitol attack and the Russian invasion of Ukraine, that neo-nationalism and national conservatism, are decaf varieties of neo-fascism, and that, historically and realistically speaking, populism is fundamentally incongruent and incompatible with nationalism, of which any combination thereof ought not be treated as a valid exercise of political philosophy or any leadership gravitas.

See also

• Historical interests

References