User:Fornadan/temp/Latins

Defection of the Latins from Rome

In 390 a Gaulish warband first defeated the Roman army at the Battle of Allia and then sacked Rome. According to Livy the Latins and Hernici, after a hundred years of loyal friendship with Rome, used this opportunity to break their treaty with Rome in 389. In his narrative of the years that followed, Livy describes a steady deterioration of relations between Rome and the Latins. In 387 the situation with Latins and Hernici was brought up in the Roman senate, but the matter was dropped when news reached Rome that Etruria was in arms. In 386 the Antiates invaded the Pomptine territory and it was reported in Rome that the Latins had sent warriors to assist them. The Latins claimed they had not sent aid to the Antiates, but had not prohibited individuals from volunteering for such service. A Roman army under Marcus Furius Camillus and P. Valerius Potitus Poplicola met the Antiates at Satricum. In addition to Volscians the Antiates had brought a large number of Latins and Hernicans to the field. In the battle that followed the Romans were victorius and the Volscians were slaughtered in great number. The Latins and Hernicans now abandoned the Volscians. and Satricum fell to Camillus The Romans demanded to know from the Latins and Hernici why for the last few years' wars they had not furnished any contingents. They claimed not to have been able to supply troops due to fear of Volscian incursions. The Roman senate considered this defence to be insufficient, but that time was not right for war In 385 the Romans appointed Aulus Cornelius Cossus Dictator to deal with the Volscian war. The Dictator marched his army into the Pomptine territory which he had heard was being invaded by the Volscians. The Volscian army was once again swelled by Latins and Hernici, including contingents from the Roman colonies of Circeii and Velitrae, and in the battle that followed the Romans were once again victorious. The majority of the captives are found to be Hernici and Latins, including men of high rank, which the Romans take as proof that their states are formally assisting the Volscians. However the sedition of Marcus Manlius Capitolinus prevented Rome from declaring war on the Latins. When the Latins, Hernici, and the colonists of Circeii and Velitrae tried to persuade the Romans to release those of their countrymen who had been made prisoner, they were refused. That same year Satricum was colonized with 2000 Roman citizens, each to receive two and a half jugera of land.

Some modern historians have questioned Livy's portrayal of the Latins as rebelling from Rome. Cornell (1995) believes that there was no armed uprising of Latins, rather the military alliance between Rome and the other Latin towns seems to have been allowed to. In the preceding decades Rome had grown considerably in power, especially with the conquest of Veii, and the Romans might now have preferred freedom of action to the obligations of the alliance. Also, several Latin towns appear to have remain allied to Rome, based on later events these would have included at least Tusculum and Lanuvium to which Cornell adds Aricia, Lavinium and Ardea. The colonies of Circeii and Velitrae are likely to have remained partly inhabited by Volsci, which helps explain their rebellion, but these two settlements more than any other Latin towns would have felt vulnerable to Rome's aggressive designs for the Pomptine region.

Division among the Latins is also the stance taken by Oakley (1997) who substantially accept Cornell's analysis. The continued loyalty of Ardea, Aricia, Gabii, Labicum, Lanuvium and Lavinium would help explain how Roman armies could operate in the Pomptine region. In their writings on the early Roman Republic Livy and Dionysius of Halicarnassus often mention men from states formally at peace with Rome fighting in the armies of Rome's enemies in a private capacity. Though this might genuinely reflect Italic warfare of this era, Livy appears here to be using it as a literary motif to bring continuity to his narrative of the 380s.

War between Rome and Praeneste

In the last years of the 380s Praeneste emerged as the leading Latin city in opposition to Rome. In terms of territory Praeneste was the third largest city in Latium, but between 499 and 383 Praeneste is wholly absent from the sources and much of the fighting against the Aequi by Rome and the Latin League appear to have taken place to the south of her territory. Modern historians have therefore proposed that Praeneste was overrun or at least came to some kind of understanding with the Aequi. If this was the case Praeneste would not have been part of the Latin League for most of the 5th century. The end of the Aequan threat by the early 4th century freed Praeneste to move against Rome.

Outbreak

Livy records that in 383 Lanuvium, which had so far been loyal to Rome, rebelled. In Rome, on the advice of the senate, the tribes unanimous declared for war on Velitrae after five commissioners have been apppointed to distribute the Pomptine territory and three to settle a colony at Nepete. However, there was pestilence in Rome throughout the year and no campaign was launched. Among the revolting colonists a peace party was in favour of asking Rome for pardon, but the war party continued hold the population's favour and a raid was launched into Roman territory effectively ending all talk of peace. There was also a rumour that Praeneste had revolted, and the peoples of Tusculum, Gabii and Labici complained that their territories had been invaded, but the Roman senate refused to believe these charges. In 382 consular tribunes Sp. and L. Papirius marched against Velitrae, their four colleagues being left to defend Rome. The Romans defeated the Veliternian army, which included a large number of Praenestine auxiliaries, but refrained from storming the place, doubting whether a storm would be successful and not wanting to destroy the colony. Based on the report of the tribunes, Rome declared war on Praeneste.

Of all the old Latin towns, Lanuvium was closest to Pomptine plain, it is therefore no surprise that she now joined the struggle against Rome. Rumours of wars about to break out are common in Livy's writings, but of doubtful historicity; such rumours would have been easy inventions for the annalists seeking to bring life to their narratives. However some of them may be based on authentic records, if this is the case here, it may represent an attempt by Praeneste to win over the Latin cities still loyal to Rome. While the details provided by Livy for the campaign of 382 are plausible, the original records likely only stated there was fighting against Praeneste and Velitrae.

Livy and Plutarch provide parallel narratives for 381. In that year the Volsci and Praenestines are said to have joined forces and, according to Livy, successfully stormed the Roman colony of Satricum. In response the Romans elected M. Furius Camillus as consular tribune for the sixth time. Camillus was assigned the Volscian war by special senatorial decree. His fellow tribune L. Furius Medullinus was chosen by lot to be his colleague in this undertaking. There are some differences between Livy and Plutarch in their accounts of the campaign that followed. According to Livy the tribunes marched out from the Esquiline Gate for Satricum with an army of four legions, each consisting of 4000 men. At Satricum they met an army considerably superior in number and eager for battle. Camillus however refused to engage the enemy, seeking instead to protract the war. This exasperated his colleague, L. Furius, who claimed that Camillus had become too old and slow and soon won over the whole army to his side. While his colleague prepared for battle, Camillus formed a strong reserve and awaited the outcome of the battle. The Volsci started to retire soon after the battle had started, and, as they had planned, the Romans were drawn into follow up the rising ground toward the Volscian camp. Here the Volsci had placed several cohorts in reserve and these joined the battle. Fighting uphill against superior numbers, the Romans started to flee. However Camillus brought up the reserves and rallied the fleeing soldiers to stand their ground. With the infantry wavering, the Roman cavalry, now led by L. Furius, dismounted and attacked the enemy on foot. As a result the Volsci were defeated and fled in panic, their camp was also taken. A large number of Volscis were killed and a even large number taken prisoners. According to Plutarch a sick Camillus was waiting in the camp while his colleague engaged the enemy. When he heard that Roman had been routed, he sprung from his couch, rallied the soldiers and stopped the enemy pursuit. Then on the second day Camillus led his forces out, defeated the enemy in battle and took their camp. Camillus then learned that Satricum had been taken by Etruscans and all the Roman colonists there slaughtered. He sent the bulk of his forces back to Rome, while he and the youngest men fell upon the Etruscans and expelled them from Satricum.

Of the two versions of this battle that have been preserved, Plutarch's is thought to be closer to the earlier annalists than that of Livy. Notably Livy present a more noble picture of Camillus than Plutarch, he has also compressed all the fighting into one day rather than two. . That the Praenesetine should have joined with the Volsci at Satricum and been defeated there by Camillus is credible enough, however most, if not all the details surrounding the battle, including the supposed the supposed quarrel between Camillus and L. Furius, are today considered to be later inventions. Especially the scale of the battle and the Roman victory have been vastly exaggerated.

Roman annexation of Tusculum

Having described Camillus' victory against the Volsci, Livy and Plutarch moves on to a conflict with Tusculum. According to Livy Camillus found Tusculans among the prisoners taken in the battle against the Volscians, Camillus brought these back to Rome, and after prisoners had been examined, war was declared on Tusculum. According to Plutarch Camillus had just returned to Rome with the spoils when it was reported that the Tusculans were about to rebel. The conduct of the war was entrusted to Camillus who chose L. Furius as his colleague. Tusculum however offered no resistance whatsoever, when Camillus entered the city he found everone going about their daily life as if there was no war. Camillus ordered the leading men of Tusculum to go to Rome and plead their case. This they did with the dictator of Tusculum as the spokesman. The Romans granted Tusculum peace and not long after full citizenship.

By 381 Tusculum was almost surrounded by Roman territory and her annexation was a logical step for Rome. Besides increasing Roman territory and manpower, this had the additional benefit of separating Tibur and Praeneste from the cities on the Alban hills. Tusculum became the first Roman municipium, a self-governing city of Roman citizens. Some modern historians have argued that this episode has been invented or is a retrojection of later events. Cornell (1995) Oakley (1998) and Forsythe (2005) accept the incorporation of Tusculum in 381 as historical. Livy and other later writers portrayed the annexation of Tusculum as a benevolent act, but this view more properly reflect their own times, when Roman citizenship was highly sought after. In the 4th century when the Latin cities struggled to their maintain independence from Rome, it would have been seen as an aggressive act. Later events reveal that Tusculum was not yet firmly in Roman hands. The In the Roman period the chief magistrates of Tusuclum had the title of aedile, but it is possible, as Livy claims, that in 381 Tusculum was governed by a dictator.

Dictatorship of T. Quinctius Cincinnatus

Livy provides the only full narrative for 380. After a failed census in Rome, the plebeian tribunes started agitating for debt relief and obstructed the enrolment of fresh legions for the war against Praeneste. Not even the news that the Praenestines had advanced into the district of Gabii deterred the tribunes. Learning that Rome had no army in the field, the Praenestine army pushed on until it stood before the Colline Gate. Alarmed, the Romans appointed T. Quinctius Cincinnatus as Dictator with A. Sempronius Atratinus as his Master of the Horse and assembled the army. In response the Praenestines withdrew to the Allia where they set up camp, hoping that memories of their earlier defeat against the Gauls at the same place would cause dread among the Romans. The Romans however recalled their previous victories against the Latins and relished in the chance of wiping out previous defeats. The Dictator ordered A. Sempronius to charge the Praenestine center with the cavalry, the Dictator would then attack the disordered enemy with the legions. The Praenestines broke at the first charge. In the panic they abandoned their camp, the flight not stopping until they were within sight of Praeneste. At first unwilling to abandon the countryside to the Romans, the Praenestines established a second camp, but on the arrival of the Romans this second camp was also abandoned and the Praenestines retreated behind the walls of their city. The Romans first captured eight towns subordinated to Praeneste and then marched on Velitrae which was stormed. When the Roman army arrived before Praeneste the Praenestines surrendered. Having defeated the enemy in battle and captured two camps and nine towns, Titus Quinctius returned to Rome in triumph, carrying with him from Praeneste a statue of Jupiter Imperator. This statue was set up on the Capitol between the shrines of Jupiter and Minerva with the inscription "Jupiter and all the gods granted that the dictator Titus Quinctius should capture nine towns". Titus Quinctius laid down his office on the twentieth day after his appointment. According to D.H. and Festus the nine towns were captured in nine days. Festus further adds that Quinctius captured Praeneste on the tenth and dedicated a golden crown weighing two and one third of a pound. D.S. also records a Roman victory in battle against the Praenestines in this year, but does not provide any details. According to Livy, the next year, 379, the Praenestines renewed hostilites by instigating revolts among the Latins, however apart from this notice Praeneste is not mentioned again in the sources until 358.

Modern historians generally accepts the core of Livy's account of Titus Quinctius' dictatorship and its dating to 380. Thus that he captured nine towns subordinated to Praeneste and forced the Praenestines to sue for peace is considered historical. Oakley (1998) also believes Quinctius' victory in pitched battle could be historical, and maybe also his capture of Velitrae as well, no fighting is reported against Velitrae until 369, but this could also be a later invention. However the claims that the Praenestines marched on Rome via Gabii and the placement of the battle at the Allia are of very doubtful historicity. With regards to the discrepancies between Livy and Festus, Oakley believes that Festus, while mistaken when claiming that Praeneste was stormed, was correct in stating that T, Quinctius dedicated a crown rather than more magnificently, brought back a statue from Praeneste. Titus Quinctius Flamininus is said to have brought back a statue of Jupiter from Macedonia after his victories in the Second Macedonian War two centuries later and these two events have become then confused. This view is accepted by Forsythe (2005). Forsythe considers T. Quinctius Cincinnatus' inscription to be origin of the more famous, but in Forsythe's view fictitious, story of Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus' dictatorship and victory against the Aequi in 458 BC.

Destruction of Satricum

According to Livy in 377 the Volsci and Latins united their forces at Satricum. The Roman army, commanded by consular tribunes P. Valerius Potitus Poplicola and L. Aemilius Mamercinus, marched against them. The battle that followed was interrupted on the first day by a rainstorm. On the second the Latin resisted the Romans for some time, being familiar with their tactics, but a cavalry charge disrupted their ranks and when the Roman infantry followed up with a fresh attack they were routed. The Volsci and Latins retreated first to Satricum and thence to Antium. The Romans pursued, but lacked the equipment to lay siege to Antium. After a quarrel whether to continue the war or sue for peace, the Latin forces departed and the Antiates surrendered their city to the Romans. In fury the Latins set fire to Satricum and burned the whole city down except the temple of Mater Matuta - a voice coming from the temple is said to have threatened terrible punishment if the fire was not kept away from the shrine. Next the Latins attacked Tusculum. Taken by surprise, the whole city fell except citadel. A Roman army under consular tribunes L. Quinctius Cincinnatus and Ser. Sulpicius Rufus marched to the Tusculans' relief. The Latins attempted to defend the walls, but caught between the Roman assault and the Tusculans sallying from the citadel they were all killed.

War with Tibur

Except for two triumphs recorded in the Fasti Triumphales and a short notice in Diodorus Siculus, Livy is our only source for this war.

Tibur allies with the Gauls

According Livy the immediate cause for this war came in 361 when the Tiburtes closed their gates against a Roman army returning from a campaign against the Hernici. There had been numerous complaints on both sides and the Romans decided that they would declare war against the Tiburtes if the Fetials failed to get redress. This year also saw an invasion of Roman territory by an army of marauding Gauls. After being defeated by the Romans these, Gauls moved into the neighborhood of Tibur where the Gauls and the Tiburtes formed an alliance. After being resupplied by the Tiburtes the Gauls moved into Campania.

Next year, 360, consul Gaius Poetilius (with the cognomen "Balbus" according to Livy, but "Libo Visolus" according to other sources) led an army against Tibur. However the Gauls reappeared from Campania and under Tiburtine leadership the territories of Labici, Tusculum and Alba were raided. In response the Romans nominated Q. Servilius Ahala as dictator. The dictator defeated the Gauls in a battle near the Colline Gate. The Gauls fled towards Tibur, but were intercepted by the consul. The Tiburtes sallied in a failed attempt to assist their allies, both Tiburtes and Gauls were driven within the gates. The dictator praised the consuls and laid down his office. Poetilius celebrated a double triumph over the Gauls and the Tiburtes, but the Tiburtes belittled the achievements of the Romans. The Fasti Triumphales records that C. Poetelius Libo Visolus, consul, celebrated a triumph over the Gauls and Tiburtes on 29 July. According to Livy in 359 the Tiburtes marched at night against the City of Rome. The Romans were first alarmed, but when daylight revealed a comparatively small force, the consuls attacked from two separate gates and the Tiburtines were routed.

Renewed alliance between Roman and the Latins

In 358 Latium was again threatened by invasion from the Gauls. Livy records that the Romans granted a new treaty to the Latins on their request. The Latins sent a strong contingent to fight against the Gauls, in accordance with the old treaty which for many years had not been observed.

Conclusion of the war

Livy only provides brief descriptions of the final years of this war. In 356 consul M. Popilius Laenas commanded against the Tiburtes. He drove them into their city and ravaged their fields. In 355 the Romans took Empulum from the Tiburtes without serious fighting. According to some of the writers consulted by Livy both consuls, C. Sulpicius Peticus and M. Valerius Poplicola, commanded against the Tiburtes, according to others it was only Valerius while Sulpicius campaigned against the Tarquinienses. Then in 354 the Romans took Sassula from Tibur. After this the Tiburtes surrendered and the war was brought to a conclusion. A triumph was celebrated against the Tiburtes. The Fasti Triumphales records that M. Fabius Ambustus, consul, triumphed over the Tiburtes on 3 June. D.S. records that Rome made peace with Praeneste this year.

Latin war

A rain of stones and nightfall during the day caused the Romans to arrange a public festival in which the neighbouring populations would also take part. P. Valerius Publicola was nominated dictator to oversee the ceremonies.

342

Due to Roman successes against the Samnites, the Latins instead decide to attack the Paeligni.

341

The Samnites attacked the Sidicini with the same army they had fought with the Romans. Facing defeat, the Sidicini surrendered themselves to Rome, but their surrender was rejected by the senate as coming far too late. The Sidicini then turned to the Latins who had already taken up arms on their own account. The Campani joined the war as well, and led by the Latins a large army of these allied peoples invaded Samnium. There they made the most damage against the Samnites by raiding rather than fighting, and although the Latins got the better in their various encounters with the Samnites, they were happy to retire from enemy territory and fight no further. The Samnites sent envoys to Rome to complain and demand that if the Latins and Campani really were subject peoples of Rome, Rome should use her authority over them to prevent them from attacking Samnite territory. The Roman senate gave an ambiguous reply, being both unwilling to acknowledge that they could no longer control the Latins and afraid of alienating them further by ordering them to stop their attacks on the Samnites. The Campani had surrendered to Rome and must obey her will, however there were nothing in Rome's treaty with the Latins preventing them from going to war against whoever they wanted. The result of this reply was to completely turn the Campani against Rome and encourage the Latins to take action. In the guise of preparing a Samnite war, the Latins plotted in secret with the Campani for war against Rome. However news of their plans got out, and at Rome the consuls were ordered to leave office before the expiry of their term, so that the new consuls could enter office early in preparation for the major war that was brewing. The consuls elected were T. Manlius Torquatus, for the third time, and P. Decius Mus.

340

Pretending to be concerned for the Samnites the Romans sent for ten leading men among the Latins to come to Rome and receive instructions. At this time the Latins had two praetors, L. Annius of Setia and L. Numisius of Circeii, both Roman colonies. Through their efforts the colonies of Signia and Velitrae and also the Volsci been convinced to take up arms against Rome. As there could be no doubt what the real reason for summoning these men to Rome were, the Latins held a council meeting to decide what their leaders should reply to the questions they expected the Romans to ask. At the meeting Annius proposed that the Latins should demand that henceforth once consul and half the senate should be elected among the Latins, and so give Latins and Romans an equal in the government. This measure was adopted and Annius appointed spokesman for the Latins. The Roman senate received the Latin delegation in an audience in the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus on the Capitoline Hill where they advised the Latins not to make war on the Samnites with whom the Romans had a treaty. In a speech to the senate Annius presented the demands of the Latins to which he received a furious reply from the consul, T. Manlius Torquatus. Livy writes that according to tradition, while the senators were invoking the gods as guardians of their treaties with the Latins, Annius was heard dismissing the divine power of the Roman Jupiter. However when storming out of the temple, Annius slipped on the stairs and was knocked unconscious in the fall, or according to some, killed. When Torquatus saw Annius lying there, he vowed to strike down the armies of the Latins just as the gods had struck the Latin envoy. This speech was wildly cheered by the people of Rome and war was declared.

Veseris campaign

The consuls marched through Campania, to inspire confidence in their friends among the Campanians and fear in their enemies, and crossed the river Volturnus, in the territory of Casilinum, on a wooden bridge they had constructed in three days. They set up camp on a height forty stades from Capua where they awaited in vain the supplies and reinforcements the Samnites had promised. While the Samnites were pretending to raise a large army, they actually dispatched little of actual value to their allies.

The two Roman consuls marched their army through the territory of the Marsi and the Paeligni where they were joined by a Samnite army. They set up their camp outside Capua where the Latins and their allies had assembled.

It was said that both consuls were visited in their dreams by man larger and more majestic than any human. He told them that the general from one side and the army of the other will be offered to the Manes and Terra, and that general who devotes himself and the enemy army as sacrifices will secure victory for his side. The morning after, comparing their dreams, the consuls decided to sacrifice animals to avert anger of the gods, and take the haruspices, a form of divination involving examination of the entrails of sacrificed animals. The results of the haruspices agreed with the consuls' dream visions. Accordingly, the consuls summoned their legates and tribunes and publicly announced the command from the gods, thereby hoping to forestall any panic in the army at the sight of a consul's voluntarily death. They agree that should one flank of the Roman army falter, the consul in command at that side shall devote himself for the Roman people. At the same meeting it was also decided that military discipline shall be enforced at the strictest standards of old. The Latins and Romans shared the same language, culture and military institutions; and many officers and men now on opposing sides had served together in the past. To avoid blunders therefore, the consuls ordered that no man was to abandon his position to fight the enemy.