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Kirchnerism

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Kirchnerism
Kirchnerismo
LeaderCristina Fernández de Kirchner
FounderNéstor Kirchner
Founded1 March 2003; 21 years ago (2003-03-01)
HeadquartersBuenos Aires
Youth wingThe Campora
MembershipJusticialist Party
IdeologyPeronism[1]
Anti-neoliberalism[2][3]
Social democracy[4][5][6]
Left-wing populism[7][8]
Progressivism[9]
Socialism of the 21st century[10][11][12]
Factions:
K Radicalism[13]
Keynesianism[14]
Communism[15]
Bolivarianism[16]
Liberation theology[17]
Political positionCentre-left[18] to left-wing[19][20]
National affiliationFront for Victory (2003-2017)
Citizen's Unity (2017-2019)
Frente de Todos (2019-2023)
Union for the Homeland
(since 2023)
Seats in the Chamber of Deputies
90 / 257
Seats in the Senate
32 / 72
Website
www.pj.org.ar
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Kirchnerism (Spanish: Kirchnerismo [kiɾʃneˈɾismo]) is an Argentine political movement based on populist ideals formed by the supporters of spouses Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, who consecutively served as Presidents of Argentina. Although considered a branch of Peronism, it is opposed by some factions of Peronists and generally considered to fall into the category of left-wing populism.[9][21][22] It is considered a representative of the socialism of the 21st century,[10][11][12] although similarly to Peronism and in contrast to other left-wing ideologies, it is highly nationalist and populist rather than class-based.[23]

Although originally a section in the Justicialist Party, Kirchnerism later received support from other smaller Argentine political parties (like the Communist Party or the Humanist Party) and from factions of some traditional parties (like the Radical Civic Union and the Socialist Party). In parties which are divided along Kirchnerist/Anti-Kirchnerist lines, the members of the Kirchnerist faction are often distinguished with the letter K (for instance "peronistas/justicialistas K", "radicales K" or "socialistas K") while the anti-Kirchnerist factions, those opposing Kirchnerism, are similarly labelled with the expression "anti-K".

Characteristics

[edit]
Rally of youth belonging to La Cámpora, April 2012

Both Kirchner and Fernández come from the left-wing of Peronism and both began their political careers as members of the Peronist Youth (Juventud Peronista). Many of the Kirchners' closest allies belong to the Peronist left. Anti-Kirchnerists often criticize this ideological background with the term setentista ("seventies-ist"), suggesting that Kirchnerism is overly influenced by the populist struggle of the 1970s.

In its electoral campaigns, the Kirchnerist candidates combined the traditioal elements of Peronism - nationalism, anti-imperialism, and economic redistribution. Similarly to classical Peronism, the support base of Kirchnerism became the working class, unemployed, and the new social movement. Kirchnerism is considered to be a part of the larger Pink Tide in Latin America - a rise of left-wing populist movements.[24]

Initially, Kirchnerism has shown itself to be concerned with the defense of human rights, particularly in prosecuting those who committed human rights violations during the Dirty War and were later made immune from prosecution by the governments of Carlos Menem (1989–1999). The willingness of the Kirchner government to revoke these immunities has led many Argentine pressure groups, such as the Madres de Plaza de Mayo and Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo, to take an actively Kirchnerist position.[25] This has led to many controversies and to allegations that the Kirchners were never fully committed to human rights, especially during the period of the last military dictatorship, and that it was only when Kirchner became President and began to make alliances with the left-wing parties in Congress and with the Madres de Plaza de Mayo that he started to campaign about these rights in order to promote his own platform and gain popular favor. It is documented nevertheless that the Kirchners did push for trial against human rights violators during the dictatorship, although late in that period in 1983, when its end was already in sight.[26]

Economically, Kirchnerism has pursued an economic policy of industrialist developmentalism, and tariffs to protect the local industry and employment. The movement was also characterized by actively developing economic relations with Brazil and Venezuela; Kirchnerism also took an antagonistic position towards the IMF and the United States, denouncing both for interventionist policies and promoting austerity measures. Under Kirchner, the national economy started recovering, which resulted in economic growth and declining unemployment by 2003. This allowed Kirchnerism to become the dominant force of modern Peronism. Political scientists Bonvecchi and Zelaznik wrote: "Menem had converted Peronism from a labor-based party to a “neoliberal” force. Kirchner’s agenda, contrary to Menem’s, was in tune with the traditional state-centered Peronist preferences. Kirchner was therefore able to return Peronism to its political tradition." Kirchnerism came to be seen as a movement that "represents the current version of left Peronism, modernised for the times".[27]

Internationally, Kirchnerism has strongly supported Mercosur and vice versa, to the point that the President of Mercosur, Carlos Álvarez, is a Kirchnerist. One of the most prominent aims of Kirchnerism is to strengthen Argentine relations with the countries of Latin America and to establish a South American economic axis. Recent economic measures posited by Fernández's government have nevertheless hurt Argentina's relationship with these countries, mainly Brazil[28] and Uruguay, whose President José "Pepe" Mujica expressed worries regarding Argentina going towards an "autarkist" form of government and the Kirchnerist economic model "complicating relationships and multiplying difficulties" in bilateral commerce.[29]

Kirchnerism, in particular former minister of health Ginés González García, has shown a liberal attitude to birth control and sexuality, including the legalization of same-sex marriage, both of which have provoked the opposition of the Catholic Church and other conservative sectors.[30]

Ideology

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Five economic tenets

[edit]

According to Alberto Fernández, the Chief of the Cabinet of Ministers during the first five years of Kirchnerism and former President of Argentina, they followed five tenets regarding the economy, which explained the perceived early success of the movement:[31]

  1. "Take no measures that increase the fiscal deficit"
  2. "Take no measures that increase the trade deficit"
  3. "Accumulate reserves in the central bank"
  4. "Keep the exchange rate very high to stay competitive and favor exports"
  5. "Pay off the external debt and do not acquire new debt"

According to Fernández, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner moved away from these five tenets after her husband's death, causing an economic crisis that resulted in the first political defeat of Kirchnerism in a presidential election in 2015. In the presidential election of 2019, Kirchnerism returned to power with the election of Alberto Fernández as President and Cristina Kirchner as Vice President.[32][33] In the 2021 legislative elections on 14 November 2021, the Frente de Todos lost its majority in Congress for the first time in almost 40 years in midterm legislative elections. The election victory of the center-right coalition, Juntos por el Cambio (Together for Change), meant a tough final two years in office for President Alberto Fernandez. Losing control of the Senate made it difficult for him to make key appointments, including to the judiciary. It also forced him to negotiate with the opposition every initiative he sends to the legislature.[34][35]

Ronaldo Munck described Kirchnerism as close to Chavismo, including left-wing nationalism. Munck wrote that Kirchnerism is "clearly part of the anti-imperialist left".[36] Political scientists Gary Prevost and Carlos Oliva Campos state that Kirchnerism represents a return of Peronism "to its traditional center-left stance" under Juan Perón, and note that under Kirchnerisms, "Peronists have returned to a progressive orientation, distancing themselves almost completely from the decade-long neoliberal detour under Carlos Menem."[37] Economically, Kirchnerist governments pursued a redistributive agenda based on promoting the interests of organized labor. Just like classical Peronism, Kirchnerism relies on the support of the informal sector workers and the unemployed (the piqueteros), the poor, and trade unions. Kirchnerism promoted fair redistribution of income and nationalization - to this end, Kirchnerism "openly defied the IMF and international creditors", restored price controls and state ownership of public utilities, increased the minimum wage, and removed legal restrictions from collective labor strikes.[38]

Prevost and Campos argue that Kirchnerism was protectionist and state interventionist, much like Perón. The unique trait of Kirchnerism was its focus on anti-neoliberalism, postulating the need to move away from neoliberal Menemism and reverse its policies.[38] It was also described as economically nationalist,[39] and socialist.[40] Kirchnerism, similarly to movements such as Lulism, is seen as a response and a counter to neoliberalism; some political scientists propose the term ‘Pink Tide neopopulism’ to describe such movements, as opposed to the neoliberal populism of the 1990s.[41]

On foreign policy, Kirchnerism displays nationalist and anti-Western tendencies, denouncing the United States and the IMF. Kirchnerist governments were an ally of the Venezuelan presidents Hugo Chávez and Nicolas Maduro, and pursued economic and political ties with Venezuela as well as Cuba. This was combined with an anti-American rhetoric, in which the Kirchnerist administrations accused the USA of interference in Latin American affairs, and strongly opposed the War on Drugs, especially in the aspect that spill over to Latin America.[37] Similarly, both Nestor Kirchner and Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner "moved to break the popular conception that political parties and the government mainly heed the interests of the international creditors and global markets, not of the Argentinians"; because of this, Kirchnerism frequently targets "IMF, foreign and domestic capitalists, bondholders and the military" in both policies and rhetoric.[38] Raimundo Frei Toledo argues that Kirchnerism "broke the ‘Washington consensus’ when, together with other leftist Latin American leaders (e.g. Chavez, Lula), he rejected the ALCA and disobeyed the IMF’s guidelines, thereby enhancing national pride and connecting Argentina to the Latin American community."[42]

Transversalism

[edit]

Unlike his predecessor Eduardo Duhalde, Kirchner was a Peronist that distrusted the Justicialist Party as a support for his government. He proposed instead a "transversalist" policy, seeking the support of progressive politicians regardless of their party.[43] Thus he got support from factions of the Justicialist Party, the Radical Civic Union (which were called "Radicales K") and small centre-left parties.

Kirchner neglected the internal politics of the Justicialist Party and kept instead the Front for Victory party, which was initially an electoral alliance in his home province of Santa Cruz and in the 2003 elections premiered in the federal political scene. Some politicians favored by this policy were Aníbal Ibarra, mayor of Buenos Aires for the Broad Front and supported as Kirchnerist; and Julio Cobos, governor of Mendoza for the UCR and elected as Vice President of Fernández de Kirchner in 2007.

Decline

[edit]

The transversalist project was eventually dismissed. Kirchner took control of the Justicialist Party and some "Radicales K", slowly returned to the "anti-K" faction of their party, most notably Vice President Julio Cobos and Governor of Catamarca province Eduardo Brizuela del Moral, while other very prominent Radical politicians remained in the "K" wing of the Radical Civic Union such as provincial governors Gerardo Zamora of Santiago del Estero, Ricardo Colombi of Corrientes and Miguel Saiz of Río Negro. After the 2011 general elections, several K radicals regretted having been part of that political space, turning once again to the opposition UCR. Such is the case of Miguel Saiz, former governor of Río Negro, who declared: "My commitment to the Concertación ended in December 2011".

Resurgence

[edit]

In March 2015, dissatisfied with the UCR's alliance with Mauricio Macri's Republican Proposal (PRO), the National Alfonsinist Movement (MNA) led by Leopoldo Moreau joined the Front for Victory. For this reason, Ernesto Sanz, the president of the UCR, announced the expulsion of Moreau from the party.[44] Professor Gustavo Melella was reelected as mayor of the city of Río Grande in 2015, through the FORJA Concertación Party. During the presidency of Alberto Fernández, Ricardo Alfonsin was appointed as the Ambassador to Spain.

Election results

[edit]

Presidency

[edit]
Election year Candidate First round Second round Result Note
# votes % vote # votes % vote
2003 Néstor Kirchner 4,312,517 22.25 Null 0 Green tickY 2nd-R Unopposed within Front for Victory
2007 Cristina Kirchner 8,651,066 45.29 Green tickY Elected
2011 11,865,055 54.11 Green tickY Elected
2015 Daniel Scioli 9,338,490 37.08 12,317,330 48.66 Red XN 2nd-R Defeated
2019 Alberto Fernandez 12,946,037 48.24 Green tickY Elected within Everyone's Front
2023 Sergio Massa 9,387,184 36.38 11,598,720 44.35 Red XN 2nd-R Defeated within Union for the Homeland

Chamber of Deputies

[edit]
Election year Votes % Seats won Total seats Position Presidency Note
2003 5,511,420 35.1
58 / 130
129 / 257
 Majority Eduardo Duhalde (PJ) including the other PJ factions
2005 5,071,094 29.9
50 / 127
75 / 257
 Minority Néstor Kirchner (FPV—PJ)
2007 5,557,087
56 / 130
106 / 257
 Minority Néstor Kirchner (FPV—PJ)
2009 1,679,084 8.8
14 / 127
70 / 257
 Minority Cristina Kirchner (FPV—PJ)
2011 10,121,311 49.1
76 / 130
90 / 257
 Minority Cristina Kirchner (FPV—PJ)
2013 7,487,839 33.2
42 / 127
132 / 257
 Majority Cristina Kirchner (FPV—PJ)
2015 8,237,074
60 / 130
96 / 257
 Minority Cristina Kirchner (FPV—PJ)
2019 11,606,411 45.3
64 / 130
119 / 257
 Minority Alberto Fernández (FdT—PJ)
2023 8,252,357 33.62
48 / 130
99 / 257
 Minority Sergio Massa (UP—FR)

Senate

[edit]
Election year Votes % Seats won Total seats Position Presidency Note
2003 1,852,456 40.7
13 / 24
41 / 72
 Majority Eduardo Duhalde (PJ) including the other PJ factions
2005 3,572,361 45.1
14 / 24
14 / 72
 Minority Néstor Kirchner (FPV—PJ)
2007 1,048,187
8 / 24
22 / 72
 Minority Néstor Kirchner (FPV—PJ)
2009 756,695
4 / 24
12 / 72
 Minority Cristina Kirchner (FPV—PJ)
2011 5,470,241 54.6
13 / 24
24 / 72
 Minority Cristina Kirchner (FPV—PJ)
2013 1,608,866 32.1
11 / 24
40 / 72
 Majority Cristina Kirchner (FPV—PJ)
2015 2,336,037 32.72
12 / 24
39 / 72
 Majority Cristina Kirchner (FPV—PJ)
2019 2,263,221 40.16
13 / 24
39 / 72
 Majority Alberto Fernández (FdT—PJ)
2021 7,47,,030 31.67
9 / 24
35 / 72
 Majority Alberto Fernández (FdT—PJ)
2023 4,739,859 40.82
10 / 24
33 / 72
 Minority Sergio Massa (UP—FR)

Criticism

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Kirchnerism has encountered opposition from various sectors of Argentine society, which tend to criticize its personalism.[45]

In 2012, there was a massive anti-Kirchnerism protest in several cities within Argentina and also in several Argentinian embassies around the world. It became known as 8N.

In 2015, when Foreign Policy was discussing corruption in Latin America it was stated that:[46]

The viceroys of the colonial era set the pattern. They centralised power and bought the loyalty of local interest groups. [...] Caudillos, dictators and elected presidents continued the tradition of personalising power. Venezuela's chavismo and the kirchnerismo of Ms Fernández are among today's manifestations.

In an editorial published in October 2015, The Economist expressed the following view about the situation in Argentina:[47]

Argentina needs change. As Ms Fernández slips out of office the economy is starting to crumble. Currency controls and trade restrictions [...] are choking productivity; inflation hovers at around 25%. [...] Argentina cannot seek external financing until it ends its standoff with creditors who rejected a debt-restructuring plan. Unless the new president quickly reverses Ms Fernández's populist policies, a crisis is inevitable"

See also

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References

[edit]
  1. ^ Goodman, Peter S. (10 May 2019). "Argentina's Economic Misery Could Bring Populism Back to the Country". The New York Times. Retrieved 5 July 2020.
  2. ^ Ruckert, Arne; Macdonald, Laura; Proulx, Kristina R. (2017). "Post-neoliberalism in Latin America: a conceptual review". Third World Quarterly. 38 (7): 1583–1602. doi:10.1080/01436597.2016.1259558. S2CID 157767263.
  3. ^ Melber, Henning; Brand, Ulrich; Nicola, Selkler (2009). Postneoliberalism – A Beginning Debate. Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation. ISBN 978-9185214525.
  4. ^ Veltri, Gustavo (28 February 2008). "La idea de Kirchner de afiliar al PJ a la socialdemocracia generó revuelo interno". www.cronista.com (in Spanish). Retrieved 2022-01-02.
  5. ^ Kaufman, Alejandro (2011). "What's in a Name: The Death and Legacy of Néstor Kirchner". Journal of Latin American Cultural Studies. 20 (1): 103. doi:10.1080/13569325.2011.562635. S2CID 191567015.
  6. ^ Chaves, Claudio (15 November 2019). "El peronismo, entre la socialdemocracia y la izquierda". Infobae (in Spanish). Retrieved 4 October 2022.
  7. ^ Dube, Ryan; Lewis, Jeffrey T. (August 12, 2019). "Argentine Peso Dives After Populist Peronists Gain Edge in Vote". The Wall Street Journal.
  8. ^
  9. ^ a b Montañez, Julio Ramírez (27 June 2016). "The XXI century socialism in the context of the new Latin American left". Civilizar Ciencias Sociales y Humanas. 17 (33). Colombia: Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana: 97–112. doi:10.22518/16578953.902. This socialism of the XXI century, overflowed the Venezuelan experience and became a trend that took greater force throughout Latin America, especially in Ecuador with its President Rafael Correa, in Bolivia implemented by its president Evo Morales and in Argentina initially with Néstor Kirchner and later with his wife Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner, as well as in Nicaragua, El Salvador, Uruguay. This ideological conception sought primarily to give responses to the serious problem of underdevelopment in which the region lives due to the social imbalances, injustice and inequality (Hamburger, 2014).
  10. ^ a b "Winds of change in the Latin American political arena for 2017" (PDF). Developing Ideas (5). Madrid: LLYC: 11. 2017. In terms of South America, three years ago it had three centre-right governments (those of Juan Manuel Santos in Colombia, Horacio Cartes in Paraguay and Sebastián Piñera in Chile), three centre-left governments (Ollanta Humala in Peru, Dilma Rousseff in Brazil and José Mujica in Uruguay) and four of the similarly heterogeneous, Socialism of the 21st century and allies (Nicolás Maduro in Venezuela, Rafael Correa in Ecuador, Evo Morales in Bolivia and Cristina Kirchner in Argentina).
  11. ^ a b "Kirchnerismo bolivariano del siglo XXI". La Nación (in Spanish). 2010-05-29. Retrieved 2023-02-04. La cuestión central no es, entonces, disfrazar con más palabras lo que en realidad se puede llamar por su nombre: Néstor Kirchner practica una suerte de nacionalismo de izquierda, que Hugo Chávez denomina el "socialismo del siglo XXI".
  12. ^ Arias, Mariela (17 June 2019). "Tierra del Fuego: Melella se impuso a Bertone en primera vuelta". La Nación (in Spanish). Retrieved 20 October 2021.
  13. ^ Velasco, Andrés (2014-08-31). "Argentina's Use and Abuse of Keynes | by Andrés Velasco". Project Syndicate. Retrieved 2022-03-16.
  14. ^ Tekiner, Uğur (2020). "Back-to-roots again? Kirchnerismo as a reclaiming of classical Peronism". METU Studies in Development. 47 (1): 267. This impact achieved an unprecedented point even exceeding the party divisions, in that certain groups from rival parties such as the UCR, PS (Partido Socialista - Socialist Party), and CPA (Partido Comunista de la Argentina - Communist Party of Argentina) identify themselves with Kirchnerism.
  15. ^ "Kirchnerismo bolivariano del siglo XXI". LA NACION (in Spanish). 2010-05-29. Retrieved 2023-02-04.
  16. ^ Semán, Pablo; Viotti, Nicolás; García Somoza, Mari-Sol (2018). "Secularism and liberalism in contemporary Argentina: Neoliberal responses, initiatives, and criticisms of Pope Francis" (PDF). Social Compass. 65 (4). Sage Publishing: 525. doi:10.1177/0037768618792809.
  17. ^
  18. ^
  19. ^ "Kirchnerismo bolivariano del siglo XXI". LA NACION (in Spanish). 2010-05-29. Retrieved 2023-02-04.
  20. ^ Conniff, Michael L. (31 July 2012). Populism in Latin America: Second Edition. University of Alabama Press. ISBN 978-0-8173-5709-2.
  21. ^ Denissen, Marieke (1 October 2008). Winning Small Battles, Losing the War: Police Violence, the Movimiento Del Dolor and Democracy in Post-authoritarian Argentina. Rozenberg Publishers. ISBN 978-9051709643.
  22. ^ Barrett, Patrick; Chavez, Daniel; Rodríguez-Garavito, César (2008). The New Latin American Left: Utopia Reborn. Pluto Press. p. 182. ISBN 9780745326771.
  23. ^ Krausch, Meghan (June 2014). "Redefining Social Movement: Utopianism and Popular Education in Buenos Aires". University Digital Conservancy. University of Minnesota: 128–263.
  24. ^ Reencuentro de Carlotto y Bonafini. Las titulares de las Abuelas y Madres de Plaza de Mayo fueron reunidas por Kirchner, Clarín 26 de mayo de 2006 Archived 2008-06-23 at the Wayback Machine.
  25. ^ "Nestor Kirchner pide juicio a las Juntas Militares en 1983" - Video in Spanish.
  26. ^ Grisendi, Giovanni (2020). "The Pink Tide and the Left Behind: The Rise and Fall of the Latin American Left". Master of Advanced International Studies (M.A.I.S.). Vienna: Diplomatische Akademie Wien: 41–42.
  27. ^ "Brasil intimó a Cristina: 'Tienen que desaparecer las barreras'" - Article in Spanish.
  28. ^ "José Mujica acusó a la Argentina de tener un proyecto 'autárquico' de país" - Article in Spanish Archived 2017-10-14 at the Wayback Machine.
  29. ^ Ginés García legalizaría el aborto, La Nación, 15 de febrero de 2005. Archived 2 November 2007 at the Wayback Machine
  30. ^ "Las 5 medidas de Alberto Fernández para levantar la economía" [The 5 measures of Alberto Fernández to lift the economy]. www.tiempoar.com.ar (in Spanish). Archived from the original on 2019-08-31. Retrieved 2019-09-25.
  31. ^ "'We're back': Alberto Fernández sworn in as Argentina shifts to the left". The Guardian. 2019-12-10. Retrieved 2021-11-21.
  32. ^ "Argentina election: Macri out as Cristina Fernández de Kirchner returns to office as VP". The Guardian. 2019-10-28. Retrieved 2021-11-21.
  33. ^ "Peronists may lose Argentina Congress for first time in 40 years". Al Jazeera. 15 November 2021. Retrieved 4 October 2022.
  34. ^ Bronstein, Hugh; Misculin, Nicolás (15 November 2021). "Argentina's Peronists on the ropes after bruising midterm defeat". Reuters.
  35. ^ Munck, Ronaldo (2015). "Rethinking Latin America Back to the Future?". Latin American Perspectives. 42 (4): 73–91.
  36. ^ a b Prevost, Gary; Campos, Carlos Oliva; Vanden, Harry E. (2012). Social Movements and Leftist Governments in Latin America: Confrontation or Co-optation?. Zed Books. ISBN 978-1780321837.
  37. ^ a b c Tekiner, Uğur (2020). "Back-to-roots again? Kirchnerismo as a reclaiming of classical Peronism". METU Studies in Development. 47 (1): 257–280.
  38. ^ "Argentina's Kirchner Era Ends". The New Yorker. 2015-10-28. Retrieved 2022-12-07.
  39. ^ Murray, C.; Doak, J.; McNeil, K.; Oms, P. (2020). "Participatory design methods when working in remote locations: The case of Red Puna in north west Argentina". The Design Journal. 23 (2). Taylor & Francis: 25. doi:10.1080/14606925.2020.1726663. ISSN 1460-6925. An immediate change in the relationship between the Coya and the national government appears to have taken place as the relatively supportive socialist Kirchner administration made way in December 2015 for the new government headed by the distinctly neo-liberal conservative incumbent Mauricio Macri.
  40. ^ Nehring, Daniel; López, Magdalena; Michel, Gerardo Gómez (2019). A Post-Neoliberal Era in Latin America? Revisiting Cultural Paradigms. Bristol University Press. p. 7. ISBN 978-1-5292-0131-4.
  41. ^ Toledo, Raimundo Frei (9 December 2014). “The living bond of generations”: The narrative construction of post-dictatorial memories in Argentina and Chile. Berlin: Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin. p. 168.
  42. ^ Fraga 2010, pp. 46–47.
  43. ^ "La UCR expulsó a Leopoldo Moreau" [The UCR expelled Leopoldo Moreau]. www.latecla.info (in Spanish). Retrieved 2021-11-20.
  44. ^ Néstor Kirchner y Cristina Fernández con la Legrand: “Yo completaré mi mandato”, Página/12, 16 de mayo de 2003.
  45. ^ "Democracy to the rescue?". Foreign Policy. 14 March 2015. Retrieved 14 July 2015.
  46. ^ "The end of kirchnerismo". The Economist. ISSN 0013-0613. Retrieved 21 November 2015.

Bibliographies

[edit]
  • Fraga, Rosendo (2010). Fin de ciKlo: ascenso, apogeo y declinación del poder kirchnerista [End of the cycle: rise, heyday and decline of Kirchner's power] (in Spanish). Buenos Aires: Ediciones B.
[edit]
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