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Hokkien phonology

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Hokkien is a Southern Min language spoken in southern Fujian and Taiwan. It has one of the most diverse phoneme inventories among Sinitic languages.

Along with other Min languages, which are not directly descended from Middle Chinese, Hokkien is of considerable interest to historical linguists for reconstructing Old Chinese.

This article uses Pe̍h-ōe-jī and IPA for transcription.

Syllables

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A syllable in Hokkien consists of an initial, a final, and a tone.

In total, Hokkien uses around 800 toneless combinations of initials and finals, and around 2250~2450 total syllables with tones (counting only attested meaningful syllables, not all theoretically possible combinations).[1]

The number of syllables in Hokkien is far greater than in any other Sinitic language. For comparison, Cantonese and Hokchew use around 1800 toned syllables, Beijing Mandarin has 1350 syllables, and Suzhou Wu has only 1100 syllables.[1]

Initials

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Hokkien has aspirated, unaspirated as well as voiced consonant initials.

A total of 15 initials (or 14, in dialects with /dz/ merged with /l/) are used in Hokkien. This number does not include the three nasal consonants ([m], [n], [ŋ]), which are usually considered allophones of the non-nasal voiced initials (e.g. ; miā; 'life' is analyzed as /bĩã/, but pronounced as [mĩã²²]). This allophony also leads to a notable feature of the Hokkien accent in other languages, such as Japanese or Mandarin, when the nasal sounds like [m] are denasalized into non-nasal voiced consonants like [b].[2]

Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal
Stop plain p t k ʔ
aspirated
voiced b
(m)
l~d~ɾ
(n)
ɡ
(ŋ)
(nasalized)
Affricate plain ts
aspirated tsʰ
voiced dz~z
Fricative s h
Semi-vowels w j

Syllables starting with vowels or approximants (/w/, /j/) are considered to have the zero initial /∅/ (which can be articulated as a glottal stop [ʔ]).

Affricates and fricatives (ts, tsʰ, dz~z, s) are palatalized before i, becoming , tɕʰ, ~ʑ, ɕ.

Allophones of the consonants in urban Zhangzhou Hokkien[3]
Phoneme Phonetic realisation
_/[i; j] _/[u; w] _/[Ṽ; ŋ̍] elsewhere
/p/ [p] [pʷ] [p] [p]
/pʰ/ [pʰ] [pʰʷ] [pʰ] [pʰ]
/b/ [ɓ] [βʷ] [m] [ɓ]
/t/ [t̪] [t̻ʷ] [t] [t]
/tʰ/ [t̪ʰ] [t̻ʰʷ] [tʰ] [tʰ]
/l/ [ɗ̪] [lʷ] [n] [ɗ]
/k/ [kʲ] [kʷ] [k] [k]
/kʰ/ [kʰʲ] [kʰʷ] [kʰ] [kʰ]
/g/ [ɠʲ] [ɣʷ] [ŋ] [ɠ]
/∅/ [ʔʲ]/∅ [ʔʷ]/∅ [ʔ]/∅ [ʔ]/∅
/s/ [ɕ] [ʃ] [s] [s]
/z/ [ʝ] [ʒ] [z] [z]
/h/ [ħʲ] [hʷ] [ɦ] [ħ]
/ts/ [tɕ] [tʃ] [ts] [ts]
/tsʰ/ [tɕʰ] [tʃʰ] [tsʰ] [tsʰ]

The phoneme /l/ in Hokkien has many possible articulations. It ranges between [d], [ɗ], [l] and [ɾ]. Its nasal allophone is uniformly described as [n]. In directly-borrowed loanwords (i.e. those not borrowed orthographically via Mandarin or Japanese), foreign /d/ may be represented with Hokkien /l/: ; lui; 'coin' (from Dutch duit via Malay), 羅辛; lô-sin; 'dozen' (from English), 老君; ló-kun; 'doctor' (from Malay dukun), 棉蘭; Mî-lân; 'Medan'.

As a phoneme, /dz/ (also realized as [z]) is found predominantly in southern dialects of Hokkien. In many northern dialects, such as urban Quanzhou and Amoy, it has merged with /l/. This merger is still incomplete in some peripheral northern dialects, such as those of Tong'an or Yongchun, where /dz/ is reported to be present in some localities, in the speech of older speakers, or in a limited set of words (usually the more common ones, such as ; ji̍t; 'day' or ; ; 'two').[4] Some Southern Hokkien and Lengna dialects merge /dz/ with /g/ (among the Southern Hokkien dialects, such merger is found in the north of Zhangpu, in Taichung, or, under the Lengna influence, in Hua'an).[5]

While generally preserving /dz/, Zhangzhou Hokkien may still merge it with /l/ in some words, usually before /-u-/. E.g., characters like jūn 'wet', joán 'soft', jǒa 'how much' are now pronounced lūn, loán, lǒa even in Zhangzhou, although older Hokkien dictionaries record them with /dz/.

Finals

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A final in Hokkien consists of a nucleus (a vowel, a diphthong, or a syllabic nasal /m̩/ or /ŋ̍/), with an optional medial (/i/ or /u/, some dialects also allow /ɯ/) and coda (/m/, /n/, /ŋ/, /p/, /t/, /k/, /ʔ/).

There are around 80 to 90 finals in Hokkien. The exact number can vary depending on the specific dialect, as well as the inclusion of marginal finals from onomatopoeia and contractions. Lengna Min, which is sometimes included in Hokkien, has around 60 finals, due to the loss of the /-ʔ/ coda.[6]

In the tables below, rare rimes used in a small number of words are shaded. Finals used only in the northern or southern dialects of Hokkien are marked with N and S respectively.

Open-vowel finals

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Finals with the coda /-ʔ/ are considered to be the checked tone counterparts for the open-vowel finals.

Non-nasalized finals
non-entering tones
zero
medial
-a
/a/
-o̤
/ə/N[i]
-o͘
/ɔ/ or /ou/
-o
/o/
-e
/e/ or /ei/
西

/ɛ/S[ii]
-ṳ
/ɯ/N[iii]
-ai
/ai/
-au
/au/
/-i-/ -ia
/ia/
-i
/i/
-io
/io/
-iu
/iu/
-iau
/iau/
/-u-/ -oa
/ua/
-u
/u/
-oe
/ue/
-ui
/ui/
-oai
/uai/
entering tones
zero
medial
-ah
/aʔ/
-o̤h
/əʔ/N
-o͘ h
/ɔʔ/
-oh
/oʔ/
-eh
/eʔ/
NS
-ɛh
/ɛʔ/S
-ṳh
/ɯʔ/N
-auh
/auʔ/
/-i-/ -iah
/iaʔ/
-ih
/iʔ/
-io͘ h
/iɔʔ/S
[iv]
-ioh
/ioʔ/
-iuh
/iuʔ/
[v]
-iauh
/iauʔ/
[vi]
/-u-/ -oah
/uaʔ/
-uh
/uʔ/
-oeh
/ueʔ/
NS
-uih
/uiʔ/N
  1. ^ /ə/ is not found in Amoy Hokkien. In Pe̍h-ōe-jī, it may be written with -er, , or -o̤.
  2. ^ /ɛ/ is not found in Amoy Hokkien. The original Pe̍h-ōe-jī by W.H.Medhurst used -ay for it. In later variations of Pe̍h-ōe-jī, it may be written with -ee, -e͘, , or -a̤.
  3. ^ /ɯ/ is not found in Amoy Hokkien. In Pe̍h-ōe-jī, it may be written with -ir, , or -ṳ.
  4. ^ /iɔʔ/ — only found in urban Zhangzhou dialect in the interjection io̍͘h "yeah; right".
  5. ^ /iuʔ/ — used in onomatopoeia and ideophones, e.g. 搐搐彈 tiuh-tiuh-tōaⁿ "aching, painful", 密喌喌 ba̍t-chiuh-chiuh "very dense; thick".
  6. ^ /iauʔ/ — used in onomatopoeia and ideophones, e.g. 靜悄悄 chēng-chiauh-chiauh "quiet; tranquil", 吱吱嚼嚼 chi-chi-chia̍uh-chia̍uh "(describes a rapid speech, chattering)", 硬碻碻 ngɛ̄-khia̍uh-khia̍uh "very hard, solid".

The vowel -a /a/ is usually [ɐ].

The vowel ɛ /ɛ/ is only found in Southern dialects of Hokkien.

The final -o͘ /ɔ/ is realized as a diphthong -ou [ou] in many rural Zhangzhou dialects (in Pinghe, Zhangpu, Yunxiao, Chawan, etc), similarly to Teochew. Likewise, many of those dialects diphthongize -e /e/ into -ei [ei]. Some dialects, such as Zhangpu, realize them as triphthongs [uou] and [iei]. Changtai dialect uniquely pronounces general Hokkien -o͘ /ɔ/ as [eu]. However, it still uses the vowel /ɔ/, mainly in place of general Hokkien /o/.

-o̤ /ə/ and -ṳ /ɯ/ are found in many Northern Hokkien dialects, including Quanzhou and Tong'an. In Amoy, Jinjiang and among some younger urban Quanzhou speakers, -o̤ /ə/ is merged with /e/. Similarly, the final -ṳ /ɯ/ may be merged with /i/ or /u/ in those dialects. These two finals are not found in Southern dialects of Hokkien.

Chawan dialect in Zhangzhou also has -o̤ /ə/ and -ṳ /ɯ/. Thus, Chawan distinguishes the following finals: /ɛ/, -o̤ /ə/, and -ei [ei] (latter corresponding to urban Zhangzhou -e /e/). The dialects of Yunxiao and rural Dongshan are notable for having /ɛ/, -e /e/ (in place of Chawan -o̤ /ə/) and -ei /ei/ (in place of urban Zhangzhou -e /e/) as distinct finals.

In Northern Hokkien dialects where the final -o̤ /ə/ is present, it is generally realized as [ɤ̟], and -o /o/ is realized as [o̜]. In dialects where -o̤ /ə/ is absent, [ɤ̹] is a possible realization of -o /o/.

Nasalized finals
non-entering tones
zero
medial
-aⁿ
/ã/
-o͘ ⁿ
/ɔ̃/ or /õu/
-eⁿ
/ẽ/N
-ɛⁿ
/ɛ̃/S
-aiⁿ
/ãi/[i]
-auⁿ
/ãu/[i]
-m
/m̩/
-ng
/ŋ̍/
/-i-/ -iaⁿ
/iã/
-iⁿ
/ĩ/
-io͘ ⁿ
/iɔ̃/S
-iuⁿ
/iũ/
NS
-iauⁿ
/iãu/[i]
/-u-/ -oaⁿ
/uã/
-oeⁿ
/uẽ/S
-uiⁿ
/uĩ/
NS
-oaiⁿ
/uãi/
entering tones
zero
medial
-ahⁿ
/ãʔ/
[ii]
-ohⁿ
/ɔ̃ʔ/[i]
-ehⁿ
/ẽʔ/[i]N
-ɛhⁿ
/ɛ̃ʔ/S
-aihⁿ
/ãiʔ/N
[ii]
-auhⁿ
/ãuʔ/
[ii]
-mh
/m̩ʔ/
[ii]
-ngh
/ŋ̍ʔ/
[ii]
/-i-/ -iahⁿ
/iãʔ/
-ihⁿ
/ĩʔ/[i]
𥍉
-iuhⁿ
/iũʔ/N
[ii]
-iauhⁿ
/iãuʔ/
[ii]
/-u-/ -oehⁿ
/uẽʔ/S
[iii]
-uihⁿ
/uĩʔ/[i]N
-oaihⁿ
/uãiʔ/
[ii]
  1. ^ a b c d e f g Used only in syllables with historical nasal initials that have not denasalized in Hokkien.
  2. ^ a b c d e f g h Used in onomatopoeia and ideophones.
  3. ^ /uẽʔ/ is used in 挼 noeh "to rub; to knead" in Chawan dialect, and in 夾 ngoeh "to clamp; to pick with a clamp (e.g. vegetables)" in Amoy and Changtai dialects.

Finals with codas

[edit]
Finals with codas
-m/-p -ng/-k -n/-t
non-entering tones
zero
medial
-am
/am/
-o̤m
/əm/N
-om
/ɔm/S
-ang
/aŋ/
-ṳng
/ɯŋ/N[i]
-ong
/ɔŋ/
-an
/an/
-ṳn
/ɯn/N[ii]
/-i-/ -iam
/iam/
-im
/im/
-iang
/iaŋ/
-eng
/iŋ/
-iong
/iɔŋ/
-ian
/ian/
-in
/in/
/-u-/ -oam
/uam/[iii]
-oang
/uaŋ/N[iv]
-oan
/uan/
-un
/un/
entering tones
zero
medial
-ap
/ap/
-op
/ɔp/S
[v]
-ak
/ak/
-ṳk
/ɯk/N[vi]
-ok
/ɔk/
-at
/at/
-ṳt
/ɯt/N[ii]
/-i-/ -iap
/iap/
-ip
/ip/
-iak
/iak/
-ek
/ik/
-iok
/iɔk/
-iat
/iat/
-it
/it/
/-u-/ -oap
/uap/[iii]
-oat
/uat/
-ut
/ut/
  1. ^ /ɯŋ~əŋ/ — used in some coastal Northern dialects (urban Quanzhou, Jinjiang, Nan'an). Also described as -ng /ŋ̍/
  2. ^ a b /ɯn~ən/ and /ɯt~ət/ — used in rural Northern dialects, such as Nan'an, Yongchun, Dehua, Huian, etc.
  3. ^ a b /uam/ and /uap/ are only used in the Chawan dialect in a few syllables. Most other Hokkien dialects have -oan/-oat instead of -oam/-oap.
  4. ^ /uaŋ/ — used in Northern dialects of Hokkien almost exclusively in hoang "wind". Some dialects also have it in koang "the light". In Teochew and Lengna, this rhyme is used more widely, but in most dialects of Hokkien it has merged with -ong.
  5. ^ /ɔp/ — used in onomatopoeia and ideophones, e.g. 啑啑叫 cho̍p-cho̍p-kiò "(describes the sound of chewing)", □□ ko̍p-ko̍p "(describes a sticky or claggy thing)", 𢫯 hop "to snare, to catch (with a small net)"
  6. ^ /ɯk~ək/ — used limitedly in the most conservative Northern Hokkien dialects, such as Nan'an or operatic pronunciation.

The exact realization of /iŋ/ and /ik/ varies throughout the dialects. For most of them, they are described as [iɪŋ]/[iɪk] or [iəŋ]/[iək]. Many Hokkien dialects in rural Zhangzhou and SEA have them as [eŋ] and [ek]. In urban Quanzhou and Jinjiang, /ik/ is merged with /iak/, but /iŋ/ is preserved.

In dialects with -ṳng /ɯŋ~əŋ/ and -ng /ŋ̍/, the two finals are often confounded. Likewise, -m /m̩/ and -o̤m /əm/ may be used intechangeably. -m /m̩/ is assigned mainly to the syllables with zero initial, e.g. in "not", m̂, hm̂ "matchmaker", "plum", "berry", etc.

Hui'an dialect merges -im /im/ and -iam /iam/ into [em], or -ip /ip/ and -iap /iap/ into [ep], etc, and thus it has the following rhymes not found in other dialects: [em], [ep], [en], [et], [eŋ].

While -o̤ /ə/ and -ṳ /ɯ/ are phonemically distinct as standalone finals, they are not distinct in compound finals, and /ɯŋ/, /ɯn/, /ɯk/, /ɯt/ may be described as /əŋ/, /ən/, /ək/, /ət/ as well (and they are usually described as such for Teochew). In Quanzhou operatic pronunciation, this sound is pronounced as [-ɯə-] in compound finals (except for the final /ək/, which is realized as [-ɯak], influenced by the urban Quanzhou -ṳk/-ek/-iak merger). These rimes also share some phonological constraints with /ɯ/ rather than /ə/, e.g. they do not cooccur with labial initials (so */pɯ/, */pʰɯk/~/pʰək/ or */mɯt/~/mət/ are not valid syllables in Hokkien, while /pə/ or /pʰə/ are possible).[7]

Rimes used in minor dialects

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Rimes with medial /-ɯ-/

[edit]

Finals with the medial -ṳ- /-ɯ-/ are mentioned in Lūi-im Biāu-gō͘ (彙音妙悟), an early 19th century Northern Hokkien rimebook, but now they are obsolete in most dialects of Hokkien. They are found only in a few exceptionally conservative dialects, such as Quanzhou operatic, or, per Ang Ui-jin's survey, in the Taiwanese "Old Anxi accent", spoken among older generations in some areas of New Taipei (namely Sanxia, Linkou, Pinglin, Xizhi, Qidu, Pingxi, and Taishan), in Baozhong Township, and in a few villages in Xihu and Puyan. For these dialects, Ang Ui-jin describes this medial as -o̤- /-ə-/ rather than -ṳ- /-ɯ-/, except in the final -ṳiⁿ /ɯĩ/.[8][7]

Finals with /-ɯ-/
-ṳa
/ɯa/N
-ṳo
/ɯo/N
-ṳe
/ɯe/N
-ṳah
/ɯaʔ/N
-ṳeh
/ɯeʔ/N
-ṳaⁿ
/ɯã/N
-ṳiⁿ
/ɯĩ/N
[edit]

Some Southern Hokkien dialects (Yunxiao and Chawan) have /ue/ and /uɛ/ as distinct finals. The latter is used in a small number of vernacular readings:[9]

Similarly, those dialects differentiate between /ueʔ/ and /uɛʔ/, but the latter is used exclusively in .

Furthermore, in Chawan dialect, the rime /uẽ/ and /uɛ̃/ are differentiated:

Other rural Zhangzhou dialects (Nanjing, Pinghe, Changtai, Yunxiao, etc) have /uẽ/ in both groups of characters.

Zhangpu dialect uses /uɛ/, /uɛʔ/ and /uɛ̃/ consistently in place of /ue/, /ueʔ/ and /uẽ/.

[edit]

Some Southern Zhangzhou dialects (such as Chawan, Yunxiao, and Zhangpu) differentiate between the rimes o͘ ⁿ /õu/ and oⁿ /õ/.

  • o͘ ⁿ /õu/ is used in a small number of characters, including ngó͘, ngō͘, nô͘, nó͘, nō͘, ngó͘, ngō͘, and 𩵱 ngó͘. Chawan dialect also has this rime in hó͘ ⁿ, perhaps due to Teochew influence.
  • oⁿ /õ/ is used in a much larger set of words, both derived from historical syllables with a nasal initial ( ngó lit., ngô, ngô, ngô, ngô, ngō, ngô, ngō, , , lit., , , mo lit., , col., , , , ) and those that never had a nasal consonant ( khóⁿ, hóⁿ, hóⁿ, hòⁿ, hòⁿ)

Changtai dialect also dfferentiates between these rimes, where they are pronounced as /ẽu/ and /ɔ̃/ respectively. Similar distinction is found in other Southern Min languages, such as Teochew or Luichow, but in most dialects of Hokkien the two rimes are merged into o͘ ⁿ /ɔ̃/.

The rimes ioⁿ /iɔ̃/ and ohⁿ /ɔ̃ʔ/ (as in 漠漠 mo̍h-mo̍h, mo̍h, moh) may be also described as /iõ/ and /õʔ/ for the aforementioned Southern Zhangzhou dialects. There are, however, no rimes */iõu/ or */õuʔ/.

Marginal finals

[edit]

Some marginal finals (not mentioned in the above charts) may occur in specific contexts, such as contractions. For example, in Dongshan dialect there is a final -iohⁿ /iɔ̃ʔ/, used in 即樣 chiohⁿ "like this" and 迄樣 hiohⁿ "like that".[10] In Tong'an dialect, there is a final -iai /iai/, used in contractions (遐兮 hiâ--ê > hiâi "those") or in words with the final -ia suffixed with á (e.g. 車仔 chhia-á > chhiai-á).

Tones

[edit]
Quanzhou Hokkien tone contours
Amoy Hokkien tone contours
Zhangzhou Hokkien tone contours
"Dark tones" im on the left, "light tones" iông on the right. "Entering tones" ji̍p are in pale color.
  Tone ①陰平   Tone ⑤陽平
  Tone ②陰上   Tone ⑥陽上 (only Quanzhou)
  Tone ③陰去   Tone ⑦陽去 (only Amoy, Zhangzhou)

Traditionally, four Middle Chinese tones are called "level" 平 piâⁿ, "rising" 上 chiǔⁿ, "departing" 去 khṳ̀ and "entering" 入 ji̍p. These names are mnemonics illustrating the corresponding tone, e.g. the word "level" 平 piâⁿ has the level tone, the word "to enter" 入 ji̍p has the entering tone, etc. In modern languages, these four tones are further divided into two categories: the "dark" (陰 im) or "upper" (上 chiǔⁿ) tones and the "light" (陽 iông) or "lower" (下 ě) tones, giving a total of 8 tones in traditional system.

The tones can be counted in two patterns: the "dark—light" order (the checked tones are 7 and 8) is more common in works published in China, and the "level—rising—departing—entering" order (the checked tones are 4 and 8) is more popular in Taiwan. This article follows the latter numbering system.

"dark tones"
tone name 陰平

"dark level"

陰上

"dark rising"

陰去

"dark departing"

陰入

"dark entering"

Pe̍h-ōe-jī diacritic a á à ah (-p, -t, -k)
tone number
examples si sih
kun kún kùn kut
tong tóng tòng tok
tam tám tàm tap
"light tones"
tone name 陽平

"light level"

陽上

"light rising"

陽去

"light departing"

陽入

"light entering"

Pe̍h-ōe-jī diacritic â ǎ ā a̍h (-p, -t, -k)
tone number
examples si̍h
kûn kǔn kūn ku̍t
tông tǒng tōng to̍k
tâm tǎm tām ta̍p

In most dialects of Hokkien, there are only 7 distinct citation tones, as some of the 8 traditional tones merge into a single tone. Certain dialects (the Lengna dialect or the Changkeng-Yidu dialect in Anxi and Yongchun) distinguish all eight tones, and some (Jinjiang) have only 6 citation tones due to additional mergers. Many Northern dialects merge certain tones in the citation form, but not in the sandhi form.

Taiwanese and Amoy Hokkien citation tones
①君 kun [kun˦]
②滾 kún [kun˥˧]
③棍 kùn [kun˧˩]
④骨 kut [kut˧˨]
⑤群 kûn [kun˨˩˦]
⑦郡 kūn [kun˧]
⑧滑 ku̍t [kut˦]
Tone contours across
the Hokkien dialects[11][12][6][3][13][14]
citation tones post-sandhi tones
-h -p, -t, -k
Dehua
13 42 21 42 22 44 42
44 35 35 21
urban Quanzhou, Nan'an, Hui'an, Lukang
33 554 31 5 33 214 554 24
214 22 24 22
Jinjiang, Shishi
33 55 31 54 33 214 55 24
214 33 24 22
Tong'an, Xiang'an
44 31 11 32 33 214/22[i] 53 54
214 22 4 11
Taipei
44 53 21 32 22 44 53 54[ii]
214 22 4 21 32
Amoy, Yongchun, Changtai, Kaohsiung
44 53 21 32 22 44 53 54[ii]
214 22 4 21 32
urban Zhangzhou, Longhai, Pinghe, Nanjing
34 53 31 32 22 34 53 54[ii]
213 22 121 31 32
Zhangpu, Yunxiao, Dongshan, Hua'an
44 53 21 32 22 44 53 54[ii]
212 22 213 21 32
Chawan
55 53 21 3 33 35 53 54[ii]
213 33 213 21 31 3

Tone contours vary across the Hokkien dialects.

"Dark level" tone ①陰平
High level 44 ˦ ~ 55 ˥ in most dialects.
May be slightly lower in Quanzhou dialects (33 ˧ ~ 44 ˦).
In urban Zhangzhou dialect it shifts towards high rising 34 ˧˦.[3]
"Dark rising" tone ②陰上
High falling 53 ˥˧ ~ 51 ˥˩ in most dialects.
Coastal Quanzhou dialects (urban Quanzhou, Nan'an, Jinjiang, etc) have it as high level with a small drop at the end (55 ˥ ~ 554 ˥˥˦).
"Dark departing" tone ③陰去
Low falling 31 ˧˩ in most dialects.
May have higher onset (41 ˦˩) in Northern Hokkien and lower onset (21 ˨˩ or even 11 ˩) in Southern dialects.
"Dark entering" tone ④陰入
Mid-falling 32 ˧˨ in Southern dialects, as well as in Amoy, Yongchun, Tong'an, etc.
High falling 54 ˥˦ in Quanzhou dialects.
"Light level" tone ⑤陽平
Mid or high dipping tone 214 ˨˩˦ in Northern Hokkien, including Amoy.[14]
Lower dipping 212 ˨˩˨ ~ 213 ˨˩˧ in Southern Hokkien, although sometimes it may become more level 22 ˨ or lose its rising part (in this case, however, it does not merge with the low-falling tone, but has a longer low segment with an overall contour 211 ˨˩˩).[3]
Since the initial falling part is natural for rising tones in tonal languages, many works ignore it and describe this tone as 13 ˩˧ for Southern dialects of Hokkien or 24 ˨˦ for Northern dialects.
"Light rising" tone ⑥陽上
Mid-level with a slight drop 22 ˨ ~ 221 ˨˨˩ in some Northern dialects (urban Quanzhou, Nan'an, Hui'an, etc).
Merged with tone ⑦陽去 in Southern dialects and some peripheral Northern dialects (Amoy, Tong'an, Yongchun, etc).
"Light departing" tone ⑦陽去
Mid-level 22 ˨ ~ 33 ˧ in Southern dialects, as well as Amoy Hokkien.
Merged with tone ③陰去 in many Quanzhou dialects (but still distinguished in sandhi).
"Light entering" tone ⑧陽入
In greater Quanzhou and Zhangzhou Hokkien, its contour is similar to that of tone ⑤陽平 (mid- or low-rising).
In Amoy and Taiwanese Hokkien, it is a high level tone 4 ˦.
  1. ^ 24 is used before rising 上 and departing 去 tones, as well as before the light entering tone 陽入; 22 is used before level 平 tones and the dark entering tone 陰入.
  2. ^ a b c d e Tone ④陰入 after sandhi is often described as high level 4 ˦. However, some studies show that it is still not identical to pre-sandhi tone ⑧陽入 in Amoy and Taiwanese Hokkien, but has a slight falling contour, akin to shortened post-sandhi tone ③陰去.[13]

Tone sandhi

[edit]

A phrase in Hokkien is divided into "tone groups", where each syllable except the last one undergoes the tone sandhi.

In examples below, the syllables that do not undergo tone sandhi are in bold. The Pe̍h-ōe-jī orthography of examples is adjusted to concisely represent as much dialectal variations as possible, e.g. distinguishing eight tones, the initial j-, the vowel ɛ along with the vowel , etc — note that no single Hokkien dialect maintains all of these distinctions.

The last syllable of a noun does not undergo sandhi. A noun may be preceded by a classifier with a numeral or a demonstrative pronoun, all of which do undergo sandhi. If the noun is omitted, however, the classifier preserves its original tone.

Components of the numerals generally undergo the sandhi, except the words bān and chhṳiⁿ/chheng:[15]

五萬|六千|三百二十三 gǒ͘-bān la̍k-chheng saⁿ-pah jī-cha̍p-saⁿ '56,323'
西曆|一千|九百二十六年 se-le̍k chi̍t-chheng káu-pah jī-cha̍p-la̍k nî 'year 1926'

Noun adjuncts generally undergo tone sandhi:[16][17]

台北動物園 Tâi-pak tǒng-bu̍t-hn̂g 'Taipei zoo'
韓國同事 Hân-kok tông-sṳ̄ 'a Korean colleague'
中國歷史 Tiong-kok le̍k-sṳ́ 'Chinese history'
風流人物 hong-liû jîn-bu̍t 'an outstanding personage'
福建省 Hok-kiàn-séng 'Hokkien (Fujian) province'
福建儂 Hok-kiàn-lâng 'Hokkienese (Fujianese) person'

However, in a series of noun adjuncts, only the last one undergoes tone sandhi:

國立|台灣大學 kok-li̍p Tâi-oân tōa-o̍h 'National Taiwan University'

The "part-of-a-whole" constructions, particularly the extended place names, are divided into separate tone groups word-by-word:[16]

中華|人民|共和國 Tiong-hôa Jîn-bîn Kiōng-hô-kok 'People's Republic of China'
江蘇|南京|中山陵 Kang-so͘ Lâm-kiaⁿ Tiong-san-lêng 'Sun Yat-sen Mausoleum, Nanjing, Jiangsu'
北京大學|中文系 Pak-kiaⁿ tōa-o̍h Tiong-bûn- 'Department of Chinese Language and Literature, Peking University' — note that the word 北京 Pak-kiaⁿ is a noun adjunct here and as such it undergoes tone sandhi

A name with a surname is treated as a single tone group:[16]

鄭成功 Tēⁿ Sêng-kong 'Te Sengkong'

Sandhi in four-character idioms

[edit]

Four-character compounds are usually divided into two tone groups two characters each:[16]

內外|交困 lōe-gōe kau-khùn
橋過|柺抽 kiô- koáiⁿ-thiu
古今|中外 kó͘-kim tiong-gōe
一心|一意 it-sim it-ì
世外|桃源 sè-gōe thô-goân
欣欣|向榮 him-him hiòng-êng
斤斤|計較 kṳn-kṳn kè-kàu
萬事|如意 bān-sṳ̄ jû-ì
文武|之道 bûn- chi
平心|而論 pêng-simlūn
分秒|必爭 hun-biáu pit-cheng
兵強|馬壯 peng-kiâng má-chòng
火眼|金睛 hóⁿ-gán kim-cheng
風吹|日曝 hong-chhe ji̍t-pha̍k
長喙|短耳 tn̂g-chhùi tér-
骹痠|手軟 kha-sng chhiú-nńg

Some four-character idioms are divided into tone groups of one and three characters, where the first character is the subject of an idiom:[16]

馬|不停蹄 put-thêng-
金|無足赤 kim bû-chiok-chhek
氣|吞山河 khì thun-san-
得|不償失 tek put-siâng-sit

Words --chi (used as an object, 'him', not a possessive particle) and --chiá (used as a topic marker) are pronounced with neutral tone in idioms:[16]

姑妄聽之 ko͘-bōng-theng--chi
聽之|任之 theng--chi jīm--chi
召之|即來 tiàu--chi chek-lâi
來者|不拒 lâi--chiá put-kṳ̆

Some non-literary idioms read with vernacular readings form a single tone segment:[16]

五花十色 gō͘-hoe-cha̍p-sek
儂來客去 lâng-lâi-khɛh-khṳ̀
無閒無工 bô-êng-bô-kang
牛鬼蛇神 gû-kúi-chôa-sîn

Neutral tone

[edit]

Hokkien has neutral tone (marked with double dash -- before the syllable in Pe̍h-ōe-jī).

Neutral tone is pronounced as mid-low level 33~22. The syllable before neutral tone does not undergo tone sandhi, but preserves its original tone. Aside from having the neutral tone, unstressed syllables may undergo other changes, the most prominent of them being the loss the glottal stop and voicing of the initial:[16]

踢破 that--phòa > that--bòa 'to kick and break'
跋倒 poa̍h--tó > poa̍h--lə́ 'to fall down
掠着 lia̍h--tio̍h > liah--lio̍ 'to catch; to grab'
寒冬 kôaⁿ--tang > kôaⁿ--lang 'winter'
熱冬 joa̍h--tang > joa̍h--lang 'summer'
走出去 cháu--chhut-khì > cháu--chhut-ì or cháu--chhui 'to run away'
𣍐克得 bǒe-khat--tit > bǒe-khat--le 'to be unwilling'

The following combinations with the generic classifier ê may have the preceding coda voiced and reduplicated:

即個 chit--ê > chid--dê 'this'
迄個 hit--ê > hid--dê 'that'
一個 chi̍t--ê > chi̍d--dê 'one + classifier'

Neutral tone is used in the following contexts:[16]

  • in the possessive particle --e
紅兮 âng--ê 'red'
  • in some verbal particles, as well as the result and direction complements
  • in sentence-final particles (including negative particles forming questions)
汝說無? lṳ́ so̤h--bô
  • in suffixes used in direction words, such as --pêng, --si, --piⁿ, and --thau
  • in certain time phrases
前年 chûn--nî 'the year before last'
後年 ǎu--nî 'the year after next'
後日 ǎu--ji̍t 'day after tomorrow' (but 後日 ǎu-ji̍t 'the future, the days to come')
日時 ji̍t--sî 'daytime'
日間 ji̍t--kan 'daytime'
暝時 mî--sî 'evening'
暗時 àm--sî 'evening'
  • in personal pronouns when they are used as direct objects (unless emphasis is put on the pronoun)
叫我 kiò--góa 'to call me'
叫伊 kiò--i 'to call him/her'
  • particularly, in the indefinite pronoun lâng
幫助儂 pang-chō͘--lâng 'to help somebody'
做儂 chòe--lâng 'to be bethrothed' (but 做儂 chòe-lâng 'to behave properly; to conduct oneself')
怪儂 koài--lâng 'to blame somebody' (but 怪儂 koài-lâng 'strange person')
拗儂 áu--lâng 'to enforce'
驚儂 kiaⁿ--lâng 'scary, frightening' (but 驚儂 kiaⁿ-lâng 'filthy; disgusting')
  • in titles after surnames
林氏 Lîm--sǐ 'Mr. Lim'
陳生 Tân--sian 'Mr. Tan'
蔡先生 Chhòa--sian-siⁿ 'Mr. Chhoa'
  • particularly, in some words with ko
明哥 bing--ko "brother Ming"
法哥 huat--ko "brother Hwat"
農哥 lông--ko "(derogatory) peasant, farmer"
頭哥 thau--ko "boss"
  • particularly, in placenames formed from a surname and the word chhù 'house'
黃厝 N̂g--chhù
吳厝 Ngô͘--chhù
蘇厝 So͘--chhù
呂厝 Lṳ̄--chhù
周厝 Chiu--chhù
施厝 Si--chhù

The suffix 仔

[edit]

The suffix 仔 is related to some special phonetic changes.

Syllables before 仔 may induce its change due to assimilation.[18]

word nominal form assimilated form meaning
賊仔 chha̍t-á > chha̍t-lá > chha̍l-lá «thief»
盒仔 a̍p-á > a̍p-bá > a̍b-bá «small box»
竹仔 tek-á > tek-gá > teg-gá «bamboo»
柑仔 kam-á > kam-má «tangerine»
囡仔 gín-á > gín-ná «child»
翁仔 ang-á > ang-ngá «doll»
圓仔 îⁿ-á > îⁿ-áⁿ «meatball»
美仔 bí-á > bí-ah «Bi-a (a girl's name)»
箬仔 hio̍h-á > hio̍h-ah «leaf»

Some assimilations are dialect-specific. E.g. in Tong'an dialect, a syllable ending in -a changes it to -ai before : 車仔 chhia-á > chhiai-á, 鴨仔 ah-á > aih-á, 籃仔 nâ-á > nâi-á, 衫仔 saⁿ-á > saiⁿ-á, etc.

The tone sandhi before is different from general Hokkien tone sandhi.

Historical phonology and internal differences

[edit]
The territory of the Chheng-goân (Qingyuan) Circuit in 10th c. coincides with modern Hokkien-speaking area

The earliest sources on the Hokkien phonology are the rhyme dictionaries Lūi-im Biāu-ngō͘ (彙音妙悟) and Lūi-chi̍p Ngé-sio̍k-thong Si̍p-ngó͘-im (彙集雅俗通十五音). The former describes the Quanzhou Hokkien, while the latter describes the Zhangzhou Hokkien.

Current Hokkien-speaking area mostly coincides with the 10th century Chheng-goân Circuit, a de facto independent polity that emerged after the fall of the Min Empire. The polity was divided into two prefectures, Quanzhou (which also included modern Putian, Changtai and most of Xiamen) and Zhangzhou (which also included the Hokkien-speaking areas of modern Longyan), and the border between these medieval prefectures roughly coincides with certain modern Hokkien isoglosses. The Chiang-bú Circuit (彰武軍), which was under the rule of Wuyue, covers the Hokchew-speaking area, and Tiong-gī Circuit (忠義軍) ruled by Southern Tang lies in Inland Min- and Hakka-speaking area in Fujian.

Changtai dialect contains features of both Northern (Quanzhou) and Southern (Zhangzhou) dialect areas, atop of having some of its own unique characteristics. Changtai was a part of Quanzhou prefecture in 6—10 centuries, until being transferred under Zhangzhou's jurisdiction in 980.

Chawan dialect is a distinct variety of Hokkien. It may have received some influence from Teochew, but its amount is contestable.

The Eastern Namoa dialect shows some traits of Zhangzhou Hokkien, as this half of the Namoa island was previously included in the Zhangzhou prefecture, yet in most aspects it still clusters more with Teochew.

Hai Lok Hong dialect has even more features typical for southern dialects of Hokkien, and may be classified as a distinct dialect of either Teochew or Hokkien, or a variety of Southern Min separate from both of them. The charts below follow the classification of The Language Atlas of China, where Hai Lok Hong is included in Teochew.

The Lengna and Zhangping dialects are very different from mainstream Hokkien. At the same time, they form a continuum with Zhangzhou dialects. They are sometimes classified as the Western branch of Hokkien.

Datian Min is usually included in Southern Min as a distinct variety, apart from Hokkien and Teochew. It is divided into two dialects, Qianlu (the 'Frontlect') and Houlu, the former lying closer to Hokkien, and the latter having more Central Min influence. An undescribed variety of Southern Min in the north of Dehua is reported to be quite different from other Hokkien dialects and may belong to the same Hokkien—Central Min transitionary area as Datian Min.

Hinghwa is a language closely affiliated with Hokkien, yet it has received heavy Hokchew influence and is not usually considered a part of Hokkien itself.

Initial correspondences

[edit]

Denasalization

[edit]

One large difference between Hokkien and Teochew is the degree of denasalization. Teochew /n/, /m/ and /ŋ/ are usually considered phonemes rather than allophones of the voiced plosives /d/, /b/, /g/.

In Teochew, most syllables with codas preserve the nasal initial, with a few exceptions: denasalization frequently occurs in some specific syllables, like buang (, , , ), bak (, , but mak: ), leng (, , ), long (, , ), lang (, , , but nang: ), lung (, ), bung (, , , , but mung: , , ). It may also sporadically occur in some individual characters: , , , , etc. In Hokkien on the other hand, syllables with codas (excluding -h) can never have nasal initials.

In Hinghwa, Hokkien voiced consonants /b/, /dz/, /g/, including cases when they are derived from nasal initials, are further devoiced into /p/, /ts/, /k/.

Final correspondences

[edit]

The charts below illustrate the common correspondences in rimes between various dialects of Hokkien, as well as related Southern Min languages. Middle Chinese finals are transcribed using Baxter's transcription, and Proto-Southern-Min reconstructions are per Kwok Bit-chee.[19]

In the example characters, literary and vernacular readings are marked by different types of underlines. Note that the examples are given primarily for Hokkien correspondences, and other languages may lack corresponding readings for some of the example characters.

Open-vowel finals

[edit]

In the tables below, characters after the double line have nasalization at least in some dialects of Hokkien.

MC PSM examples Hokkien Teochew Lengna Datian Hinghwa
gQZ
TA
JJ AM
TP
AM
KH
gZZ CA ST TY HLH
EN
LN JC XQ FL
[i] 豬魚語箸舉 ɯ i u i i ɯ ɯ u i i i iau i y
[ii] *ɿ u u u ɯ u o o o
[iii] u u i u i i i i i y
[iv] *u 府武主 u u u u u u u u
[v] *i 李時‖泥彌 i i i i i i i i i i i i i i
  1. ^ 魚三開 -jo with all MC initials except retroflex sibilants
  2. ^ 支三開 -j(i)e, 脂三開 -(j)ij, 之三開 -i, 微三開 -jɨj with sibilant initials
  3. ^ 虞三合 -ju with dental and retroflex sibilants, velars, laryngeals
  4. ^ 虞三合 -ju with palatal sibilants and labials;
    vernacular readings cognate to 尤三開 -juw with velars and labials;
    some literary readings from 尤三開 -juw with labials
  5. ^ 支三開 -j(i)e, 脂三開 -(j)ij, 之三開 -i, 微三開 -jɨj with all initials except sibilants;
    some readings from 齊四開 -ej
MC PSM examples Hokkien Teochew Lengna Datian Hinghwa
LK SX gQZ
TA
JJ
AM
TP
CT KH ZZ
PH
NJ
ZP YX CA ST
TY
HLH LN JC XQ FL XY PT
[i] *a 巴霸亞 a a a a a a a a a a a a a a a a a a
[ii] 嘉佳茄‖雅 ɛ ɛ ɛ ɛ ia ia, e ia ia ia
[iii] *e e e e e e e e e e e ɒ ɒ
[iv] 退 ə ə ə e e ə o ie ie ei e ø ø
[v] *uø ue ue ue ue ue ue ue ue ue ue ue uoi ue
[vi]
[vii] *ue 退 ue ue ue ue ue
[viii] ua ua ua ua
[ix] ua ua ua ua ua ua ua ua ua ua ua
[x] *ua ua ua ɔ
[xi] *ioi ɯe əe ue ue ue e e iei ei ei iu iu ui ui, iu ai i y y
[xii] *oi oi ei ie ie ei e e e
[xiii] ue ue
[xiv] 低系西 e e e e i i
  1. ^ literary readings from 麻二開 with non-velar initials
  2. ^ literary readings from 麻二開 with velar initials
  3. ^ vernacular readings cognate to 麻二開
  4. ^ few vernacular readings cognate to various MC rimes after alveolar initials
  5. ^ vernacular readings cognate to 戈一合 -wa, 支三合 -jw(i)e after non-velar initials
  6. ^ vernacular readings cognate to 戈一合 -wa, 支三合 -jw(i)e after velar initials
  7. ^ 泰一合 -waj, 祭三合 -jw(i)ej;
    some 廢三合 -jwoj;
    灰一合 -woj after labial and certain other initials;
    泰一開 -aj with labial initials except 明 m-
  8. ^ vernacular readings cognate to 麻二合 -wæ after velar initials
  9. ^ few vernacular readings of different origin
  10. ^ 麻二合 -wæ;
    vernacular readings cognate to 歌一開 -a
  11. ^ few vernacular readings cognate to 魚三開 -jo with retroflexes (plosives and sibilants)
  12. ^ vernacular readings cognate to 佳二開 -ɛɨ, 齊四開 -ej after non-labial initials
  13. ^ vernacular readings cognate to 佳二開 -ɛɨ, 齊四開 -ej after labial initials
  14. ^ 祭三開 -j(i)ej, 齊四開 -ej
MC PSM examples Hokkien Teochew Lengna Datian Hinghwa
LK gQZ YC ZZ
AM
TA
CT ZP YX
CA
ST
TY
HLH
TC LN JC XQ FL XY PT
[i] *o 報寶道保抱‖毛冒 o, ɔ o, ɔ o, ɔ o ɔ o o o o o uo o o, ɔ ɒ, o ɒ, o
[ii] 左多波朵‖怒懦
[iii] 助楚阻 ɔ ɔ ɔ ɔ eu uou ou u ø ø
[iv] *ou 土布路烏古‖五奴 ou ou u ɔ u ou ou
[v] 搜鄹鄒瘦驟 ɯo io au au ɔ ɔ ieu iau
[vi]
[vii] 貿牟懋茂謀 io
[viii] *io io io io io io ie io io io io
[ix] *ia 寫謝邪也舍 ia ia ia ia ia ia ia ia ia ia ia ia ia ia ia
[x] *ai 才台 ai ai ai ai ai ai ai ai ai ai ai ɛ ɛ ai ai
[xi] *au ‖貌鬧 au au au au au au au au au au au ɔ ɔ au au
[xii] *ui 非貴爲 ui ui ui ui ui ui ui ui ui ui ui uai ui ui ui
[xiii] *iu 友守手首‖扭謬 iu iu iu iu iu iu iu iu iu iu iu iau iu iu iu
[xiv] *iau iau iau iau iau iau iau iau iau iou iau iau ieu iau
[xv] *uai uai uai uai uai uai uai uai uai uai uai uai uoi ue
  1. ^ 豪一開 -aw; note that in Teochew characters from this rime have much higher incidence of readings with -au, while readings with -o are often not used
  2. ^ 歌一開 -a, 戈一合 -wa
  3. ^ 魚三開 -jo with retroflex sibilants;
    in Hokkien also as a variant for characters from 虞三合 -ju with retroflex sibilants
  4. ^ 模一開 -u
  5. ^ 尤三開 -juw with retroflex sibilants; note that in Hokkien such characters often have more common vulgar readings (俗讀) with -o
  6. ^ literary readings from 侯一開 -uw with non-labial initials;
    some literary readings from 尤三開 -juw with labials except 明 m- (mostly in Hokkien, e.g. 浮, 罘, 芣, 桴, 否, etc)
  7. ^ literary readings from 侯一開 -uw with labial initials;
    some literary readings from 尤三開 -juw with 明 m-
  8. ^ vernacular readings cognate to 宵三開 - j(i)ew, 蕭四開 -ew;
    戈三開 -ia
  9. ^ 麻三開 -jæ;
    vernacular readings cognate to 支三開 -j(i)e
  10. ^ 咍一開 -oj, 皆二開 -ɛj, 夬二開 -æj, 佳二開 -ɛɨ, 廢三開 -joj;
    泰一開 -aj with non-labial initials and 明 m-;
    vernacular readings cognate to 脂三開 -(j)ij and 之三開 -i
  11. ^ 肴二開 -æw;
    vernacular readings cognate to 侯一開 -uw;
    variant readings cognate to 豪一開 -aw (more common in Teochew, less common in Hokkien; when present for a character, it is usually described as the literary reading, while readings with -o are considered vernacular)
  12. ^ 支三合 -jw(i)e, 脂三合 -(j)wij, 微三合 -jwɨj, 齊四合 -wej;
    some 廢三合 -jwoj;
    vernacular readings cognate to 微三開 -jɨj;
    灰一合 -woj with dental stop initials
  13. ^ 幽三開 -jiw;
    some vernacular readings cognate to 虞三合 -ju;
    尤三開 -juw with non-labial initials;
    few literary readings from 尤三開 -juw with labials (mostly in Teochew)
  14. ^ 宵三開 -j(i)ew, 蕭四開 -ew
  15. ^ 皆二合 -wɛj, 夬二合 -wæj, 佳二合 -wɛɨ

Finals with -n/-t

[edit]

Teochew has mostly merged -n/-t with -ŋ/-k, except for some peripheral dialects. The dialect of Fenghuang County in Chaozhou preserves the most -n/-t finals (a total of six: -un, -in, -uan, -ien, -an, -ɯn). The Eastern Namoa dialect preserves only -in and -un. In Hai Lok Hong, while some dialects also preserve -in and -un, most Western Hai Lok Hong dialects only preserve -un, and most Eastern Hai Lok Hong dialects merge all -n/-t finals with -ŋ/-k, like in Teochew.

MC PSM examples Hokkien Teochew Lengna Datian Hinghwa
LK SX HA NA
YC
QZ TA
JJ AM
gZZ TC ST KY TY HLH
EN
LN JC XQ FL XY PT
[i] *an
(*at)

an
(at)
an
(at)
an
(at)
an
(at)
an
(at)
an
(at)

(ak)

(ak)

(ak)

(ak)

(ak)
an
(at)
an
(at)
an
(aʔ)

(aʔ)

(aʔ)

(aʔ)
[ii] *un
(*ut)

出突骨弗)
un
(ut)
un
(ut)
un
(ut)
un
(ut)
un
(ut)
un
(ut)

(uk)

(uk)

(uk)

(uk)
un
(ut)
un
(ut)
un
(ut)

(oʔ)
ueŋ
(oʔ)
uoŋ
(uoʔ)
ɔŋ
(ɔʔ)
[iii] *ɯn
(—)
恩銀近根筋
(迄屹屼)
ɯən
(ɯət)
ɯn
(ɯt)
ən
(ət)
ən
(ət)
in
(it)
ɯŋ
(ɯk)
ɯŋ
(ɯk)
eng
(ek)

(ik)
in
(it)
in
(it)
in
(it)
in
(eʔ)

(eʔ)

(yʔ)

(yʔ)
[iv] *in
(*it)
品民
必日失)
in
(it)
in
(it)
en
(et)
in
(it)
in
(it)

(ik)

(ik)

(iʔ)

(iʔ)
[v] *ian
(*iat)
善戰
(列
iɛn
(iɛt)
iɛn
(iɛt)
iɛn
(iɛt)
iɛn
(iɛt)
iɛn
(iɛt)
ieŋ
(iek)
iaŋ
(iak)
iaŋ
(iak)
iaŋ
(iak)
iaŋ
(iak)
iɛn
(iɛt)
en
(et)
ien
(iaʔ)
iaŋ
(iaʔ)
ɛŋ
(ɛʔ)
ɛŋ
(ɛʔ)
[vi] *uan
(*uat)

決越
uan
(uat)
uan
(uat)
uan
(uat)
uan
(uat)
uan
(uat)
uan
(uat)
ueŋ
(uek)
uaŋ
(uak)
uaŋ
(uak)
uaŋ
(uak)
uaŋ
(uak)
uan
(uat)
uaŋ
(uaʔ)
yøŋ
(yøʔ)
œŋ
(œʔ)
[vii]
發)
uan
(uat)
uan
(uaʔ)
uoŋ
(uoʔ)
uaŋ
(uaʔ)
  1. ^ 寒一開 -an, 刪二開 -æn, 山二開 -ɛn
  2. ^ 魂一合 -won, 文三合 -jun, 眞三合 -win, 淳三合 -(j)win
  3. ^ 痕一開 -on, 欣三開 -jɨn
  4. ^ 眞三開 -(j)in, 臻三開 -in
  5. ^ 元三開 -jon, 先四開 -en, 仙三開 -j(i)en, most 先四合 -wen, some 仙三合 -jw(i)en
  6. ^ 元三合 -jwon, most 仙三合 -jw(i)en
  7. ^ 桓一合 -wan, 刪二合 -wæn, 山二合 -wɛn, some 先四合 -wen

The choose of -ian/-iat or -uan/-uat for a given character derived from MC rhymes 仙三合 -jw(i)en and 先四合 -wen is not consistent among different languages. For 仙三合 -jw(i)en, the generally used reflex is -uan/-uat for most Southern Min languages, except Hinghwa and Lengna, where it is -ian/-iat. However, there is a tendency in Hokkien to have -ian/-iat here when the MC initial was 以 y-, either as the only reading or a non-standard popular variant. For 先四合 -wen, the general reflex is -ian/-iat.

The shape of a character may influence the choose of -ian/-iat or -uan/-uat. Characters with 肙 as the phonetic element (涓, 罥, 鵑, 鞙) tend to have -uan in Hokkien, but -ian in other languages. Characters derived from 矞, 血 and 穴 tend to have -iat in Hokkien, but -uat in Teochew. Characters derived from 夬 and 癸 tend to have -uat in mainstream Hokkien and Teochew, but -iat in Hinghwa, Lengna, Hai Lok Hong, etc.

Finals with -m/-p

[edit]
MC PSM examples Hokkien Teochew Lengna Datian Hinghwa
LK gQZ HA TA
SX
TP
AM gZZ CA ST
TY
HLH
EN
LN JC XQ FL XY PT
[i] *am
(*ap)
甘男
am
(ap)
am
(ap)
am
(ap)
am
(ap)
am
(ap)
am
(ap)
am
(ap)
am
(ap)
am
(ap)
am
(ap)
am
(ap)

(aʔ)

(aʔ)

(aʔ)

(aʔ)
[ii] *uam
(*uap)

(法)
uan
(uat)
uan
(uat)
uan
(uat)
uan
(uat)
uan
(uat)
uan
(uat)
uam
(uap)
uam
(uap)
uam
(uap)
uan
(uat)
uan
(uat)
uan
(uaʔ)

(uaʔ)

(aʔ)

(aʔ)
[iii] *im
(*ip)
今心深金音
(入及立習集)
im
(ip)
im
(ip)
em
(ep)
im
(ip)
im
(ip)
im
(ip)
im
(ip)
im
(ip)
im
(ip)
iom
(iop)
im
(ip)
iaŋ
(eʔ)

(eʔ)

(iʔ)

(iʔ)
[iv] *iam
(*iap)
念忝漸鹽劍
(業粒涉)
iam
(iap)
iam
(iap)
iam
(iap)
iam
(iap)
iam
(iap)
iam
(iap)
iam
(iap)
iam
(iap)
iam
(iap)
iam
(iap)
iaŋ
(iaʔ)
iaŋ
(iaʔ)
ieŋ
(ieʔ)
iaŋ
(iaʔ)
*øm ɯəm əm im om om om iom
im am am
  1. ^ 談一開 -am, 覃一開 -om, 銜二開 -æm, 咸二開 -ɛm
  2. ^ 凡三合 -jwom
  3. ^ 侵三開 -(j)im
  4. ^ 嚴三開 -jæm, 鹽三開 -j(i)em, 添四開 -em

Finals with -ŋ/-k

[edit]
MC PSM examples Hokkien Teochew Lengna Datian Hinghwa
LK NA QZ
JJ
HA YC TA
AM ZZ
CT CA
ZP YX ST TY HLH LN JC XQ FL
[i] *aŋ
(*ak)
巷江
(角覺

(ak)

(ak)

(ak)

(ak)

(ak)

(ak)

(ak)

(ak)

(ak)

(ak)

(ak)

(ak)

(aʔ)

(aʔ)

(aʔ)
[ii] 能僧
(德特)
ɯəŋ
(ɯak)
əŋ
(ək)
əŋ
(iak)

(iak)

(ik)
ioŋ
(iok)
iɛn
(iɛt)

(ek)

(ek)

(ek)
in
(it)
in
(et)
in
(eʔ)

(aʔ)
ɛŋ
(ɛʔ)
[iii] *iŋ
(*ik)
朋幸戥

(iak)

(ik)

(iak)
[iv]

(iʔ)
[v] 永詠螢榮營
(或惑域役)
ioŋ
(ok)
ueŋ
(uek)

(ɛʔ, yʔ)
炯傾頃熲
(獲穫砉)
uaŋ
(uak)
  1. ^ 江二開 -æwng with labials and velars;
    vernacular readings cognate to 東一開 -uwng
  2. ^ 登一開 -ong;
    few 庚二開 -æng and 耕二開 -ɛng
  3. ^ 蒸三開 -ing, 庚二開 -æng, 耕二開 -ɛng, 青四開 -eng;
    variant (often obsolete) for 庚二合 -wæng, 登一合 -wong, and 耕二合 -wɛng
  4. ^ 庚三開 -jæng, 清三開 -j(i)eng
  5. ^ 庚三合 -jwæng, 清三合 -jw(i)eng, 青四合 -weng
MC PSM examples Hokkien Teochew Lengna Datian Hinghwa
QZ
JJ
LK
HA NA YC
TA SX
AM
ZZ
CT
ZP
YX
CA ST
TY
HLH LN JC XQ FL XY PT
[i] *ɯŋ
(*ɯk)


(iak)

(iak)

(ik)

(ik)

(ik)

(ek)

(ek)

(oʔ)
[ii] *ioŋ
(*iok)

足祝築)
ioŋ
(iok)
ioŋ
(iok)
ioŋ
(iok)
ioŋ
(iok)
ioŋ
(iok)
ioŋ
(iok)

(ok)
ioŋ
(iok)

(ok)
ioŋ
(iok)

(oʔ)
yøŋ
(yøʔ)
øŋ
(œʔ)

辱欲)
ioŋ
(iok)
ioŋ
(iok)
ioŋ
(ioʔ)
ioŋ
(oʔ)
[iii]
(爵
iaŋ
(iak)
iaŋ
(iak)
iɛn
(iɛt)
iaŋ
(iak)
iaŋ
(iak)
iaŋ
(iak)
iaŋ
(iak)
iaŋ
(iaʔ)

(ioʔ)
yøŋ
(iʔ)
yɒŋ
(eʔ)
  1. ^ vernacular readings cognate to 東三開 -juwng, 鍾三開 -jowng
  2. ^ literary readings from 東三開 -juwng, 鍾三開 -jowng
  3. ^ 陽三開 -jang
MC PSM examples Hokkien Teochew Lengna Datian Hinghwa
gQZ gZZ
AM
ST
TY
HLH LN JC XQ FL
[i] *oŋ
(族服僕

(ok)

(ok)

(ok)

(ok)

(ok)

(ok)

(oʔ)

(oʔ)
ɒŋ
(ɒʔ)
[ii] *uoŋ 況逛礦亡
朔溯擴濁)
uaŋ
(uak)
uaŋ
(ok)
uaŋ
(uak)
uaŋ
(uak)
uaŋ
(uaʔ)
uaŋ
(uaʔ)
uaŋ uaŋ uaŋ ɒŋ
*iaŋ iaŋ iaŋ
  1. ^ 唐一開 -ang, 東一開 -uwng, 冬一開 -owng;
    江二開 -æwng with palatal sibilants;
    東三開 -juwng and 鍾三開 -jowng with labials;
    variant (more common) in 庚二合 -wæng, 登一合 -wong, 耕二合 -wɛng
  2. ^ 唐一合 -wang, 陽三合 -jwang, 庚二合 -wæng;
    江二開 -æwng with retroflex plosives

Finals with -ʔ

[edit]

Finals with the coda -ʔ are all used in vernacular readings. Their literary counterparts almost always have -p, -t, -k as a coda in Hokkien.

PSM examples Hokkien Teochew Lengna Datian Hinghwa
LK SX QZ TA
NA YC
HA
JJ
AM
CT ZZ
NJ
YX
ZP CA ST
TY
HLH LN JC XQ FL XY PT
*aʔ 甲鴨答較 a a a a ɒ ɒ
*uʔ 托拓
*oʔ 索惡學落 o uo o o o o
*iʔ 鐵舌裂篾 i i i i i i
*eʔ 白百客密 ɛʔ ɛʔ ɛʔ e e a a a
*øʔ 雪絕 əʔ əʔ əʔ əʔ oʔ, eʔ ie ie ue ue ø ø
*uøʔ 月說缺卜 ueʔ ueʔ uɛʔ ueʔ ueʔ ueʔ ue ue uoi oe
*ueʔ uiʔ uiʔ uiʔ uiʔ e e
*oiʔ ueʔ ueʔ ueʔ ueʔ ɛʔ oiʔ ie ie ei e
節夾截切 ɯeʔ əeʔ
*iaʔ 削勺食壁 iaʔ iaʔ iaʔ iaʔ iaʔ iaʔ iaʔ iaʔ iaʔ iaʔ a ia a ia ia ia
*ioʔ 着腳約藥 ioʔ ioʔ ioʔ ioʔ ioʔ ioʔ ioʔ ioʔ ioʔ ioʔ io io io io ieu ieu
*uaʔ 辣活末熱 uaʔ uaʔ uaʔ uaʔ uaʔ uaʔ uaʔ uaʔ uaʔ uaʔ ua ua ua ua ua ua

Nasalized finals

[edit]

Nasalized finals in Hokkien have two principal etymological sources.

First category includes the nasalized finals that are cognate to finals with a full nasal coda. They are used only in vernacular readings.

PSM examples Hokkien Teochew Lengna Datian Hinghwa
gQZ TA
AM TP
KH
TC
CT
TN
ZZ PH
NJ
ZP
YX CA ST KY
EN TY
HLH
TC LN JC XQ FL XY PT
三林藍衫岩 ã ã ã ã ã ã ã ã ã ã ã ã ã ɒ̃ ɒ
*ẽ 姓病硬青生 ĩ ɛ̃ ɛ̃ ĩ ɛ̃ iɛ̃ ã a
天偏丸見箭 ĩ ĩ ĩ ĩ ĩ ĩ ĩ ĩ ĩ in
*iã 行命聲名京 ia
健營件贏燃
*uã 泉岸煎線換 ɔ̃
單半山傘旦 ua
*iõ 丈場張章香 iɔ̃ iɔ̃ iẽ ŋ iau
PSM examples Hokkien Teochew Lengna Datian Hinghwa
LK gQZ TA AM CT ZZ ZP YX CA ST
TC
TY
HLH
LN JC XQ FL XY PT
*õi ãi an ioŋ an ãi ĩ an in ĩ e
先前閑肩千 ɯĩ ian
*ãi ãi ãi ai ai ai ai ãi ai ai ɛ ai ai
*uẽ uãi uɛ̃ uẽ uɛ̃ uẽ uẽ uɛ̃ uẽ uɛ̃ ue
uãi uãi ua
*uõi 縣懸 uan uan uan uan uan uãi uan uãi ĩ e
PSM examples Hokkien Teochew Lengna Datian Hinghwa
gQZ
TA
AM
CT gZZ CA ST
TC
KY
EN
TY HLH LN JC XQ FL XY PT
唐堂向糖 ŋ ɔ̃ ŋ ŋ ɯŋ ɯŋ ŋ ŋ õ ŋ ŋ ŋ ŋ
*uĩ 全酸鑽斷頓 ŋ ĩ ãi ø
光廣 uãi ŋ
勸穿磚管傳 ãi ue
門問飯晚
遠園荒 ŋ ŋ uãi

Another type of nasalized finals is used in syllables with nasal initials that did not undergo denasalization. Such syllables may be alternatively analyzed as having a plain, non-nasalized final and a nasal initial. Although this analysis is not typical for Hokkien, it is more common in the descriptions of Teochew (e.g. the Peng'im romanization would spell 迷 as mi5, and 棉 as min5, even though both are actually /mĩ⁵⁵/, or in Pe̍h-ūe-jī). This type of nasal finals occurs in both literary and vernacular readings.

While finals like /ĩ/, /ɛ̃/, /ã/, /iũ/, /uã/ may be induced by both contexts, finals /ãi/, /ãu/, /iãu/, /õ~ɔ̃/ are used exclusively in syllables that did not have an etymological nasal coda (see the section on the open-vowel finals for examples). Additionally, depending on the dialect, words like 'congee' and 'sister' may have finals /uẽ/ (in some Hokkien dialects: Changtai, Chawan, Southern Taiwan, as well as in Teochew) or /uãi/ (in urban Zhangzhou). Teochew preserves some other combinations of nasal initials and finals not found in Hokkien, such as ngiá 'beautiful' and ngú 'language' (the latter only in the Teoyeo dialect of Teochew).

Occasionally, nasal finals occur in characters that never had a nasal coda or a nasal initial, e.g. táⁿ, phīⁿ, phàⁿ.

Other correspondences

[edit]

The following correspondences are less regular and common, and as such, they are illustrated by specific characters in which they occur.

character Hokkien Teochew Lengna Datian Hinghwa
LK QZ NA
HA
JJ YC TA AM CT ZZ ZP YX CA ST
TC
TY HLH LN JC FL XY PT
'to stand' kʰɯa kʰa kʰia kʰia kʰia kʰia kʰia kʰia kʰia kʰia kʰia kʰia kʰia kʰia kʰia kʰiua kʰia kʰia kʰya kʰyɒ
'child' kɯã kiã kiã kiã kiã kiã kiã kiã kiã kiã kiã kiã kiuã kiã kiã kyã kyɒ
'to hold up' kɯaʔ kaʔ kaʔ kaʔ kiaʔ kiaʔ kiaʔ giaʔ giaʔ gia kiaʔ kiaʔ kiaʔ kiaʔ kiaʔ kʰia kʰia kʰia kya kyɒ
'to draw' ɯeʔ ueʔ ueʔ ueʔ ueʔ uiʔ uiʔ uaʔ uaʔ uɛʔ uɛʔ uɛʔ ueʔ ueʔ ueʔ guɛ gue bua hɛʔ hɛʔ
'home' tsʰu tsʰu tsʰu tsʰu tsʰu tsʰu tsʰu tsʰu tsʰu su tsʰu tsʰu tsʰu tsʰu tsʰu tsʰi tsʰu tsʰu tsʰou tsʰou
'every' muĩ muĩ muĩ muĩ muĩ muĩ muĩ muẽ bue buɛ bue bue muẽ muẽ muẽ bue bie bue puoi pue
'plum' muĩ muĩ muĩ muĩ muĩ muĩ muĩ bue bue buɛ bue bue bue bue bue muĩ bie bue puoi pue
'plum' m m m m m m m m m m m m m hm
'medium' muĩ muĩ muĩ muĩ muĩ muĩ muĩ bue bue buɛ bue bue bue bue bue gue bie bue puoi pue
'matchmaker' m m m m hm hm hm m bun bun bun bun
'ear' dzĩ dzi dzi dzi dzɯ dzu dzi zi tsi tsi
'ear' hi hi hi hi hi hi hi hi hi hĩʔ hi hiŋ hi hi
'small pieces' ua ua ua ua ua ua ua ua ua ua ua ua ua ua ua gua gua ? ua ua
'tile' hia hia hia hia hia hia hia hia hia hia hiaʔ hia hia hia hia guɛ gue bua hya hyɒ
'CL for people' ge ge ge ge ge ge e e e e ge kai kai kai kie kai ge ke ke
兮/其 'POS' e e e e e e e e e e e e kai kai kai ie kai ge ɛ ɛ

Tone correspondences

[edit]
locality
'level'

'rising'

'departing'

'entering'
total

'dark'

'light'

'dark'

'light'

'dark'

'light'

'dark'

'light'
Tn̂g-khiⁿ[i] 13 35 33 53 21 22 32 5 8
Dehua 13 44 42 35 21 陰去 42 35 7
Hui'an 33~44 214 53 22 31 陰去 54 24 7
Quanzhou, Nan'an 33~44 214 554 22 31 陰去 54 24 7
Jinjiang, Shishi 33 214 554 陰平 31 陰去 54 24 6
Tong'an, Xiang'an 44 214 31 陽去 11 22 32 4 7
Quemoy 44 214 53 陽去 12 22 32 4 7
Amoy, Taiwan,
Changtai, Yongchun
44 214 53 陽去 21 22~33 32 4 7
Zhangzhou, Longhai,
Pinghe, Nanjing
34 213 53 陽去 31 22~33 32 121 7
Zhangpu, Yunxiao,
Dongshan
44 212 53 陽去 21 22~33 32 213 7
Chawan 55 213 53 陽去 21 22~33 32 213 7
Swatow, Teochew 33 55 53 35 212 22~21 32 54 8
Puning 34 44 53 23 31 42 32 54 8
Teoyeo (old) 21 44 551 陰去 53 42 43 45 7
Teoyeo (new) 31 33 55~35 陰去 52 43 32 45 7
Haimen 31 44 551 陰平 51 441 43 45 7
Lengna 334 11 21 52 213 55 5 32 8
Zhangping 24 22 53 陽去 21 55 21 53 7
Datian 33 24 53 55 31 陰去 3 5 7
Hinghwa 533 13 453 陽去 42 21 2 4 7
  1. ^ in central Anxi; previously known as 長坑鄉, now renamed as 長卿鎮, with the same pronunciation in Hokkien (Tn̂g-khiⁿ) but different pronunciations in Mandarin (長坑 Changkeng vs. 長卿 Changqing).

References

[edit]

Citations

[edit]
  1. ^ a b Chiu 2016.
  2. ^ Lien 2008.
  3. ^ a b c d Huang 2018.
  4. ^ Cheng 1999.
  5. ^ Ang 2012.
  6. ^ a b 福建省志: 方言志. 中华人民共和国地方志. 北京: 福建省地方志编纂委员会编. 1998. ISBN 978-7-80122-279-4.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  7. ^ a b Ng 2012.
  8. ^ Ang 2009.
  9. ^ Chang 2017.
  10. ^ 东山县地方志编纂委员会 (1994). 東山县志. 中华人民共和国地方志 : 福建省. ISBN 978-7-101-01330-6.
  11. ^ Lin 2018.
  12. ^ Zhang 2021.
  13. ^ a b Li & Mok 2020.
  14. ^ a b Chan 2013.
  15. ^ Nakajima 1977.
  16. ^ a b c d e f g h i Chiu & Auyong 1998.
  17. ^ Lin 2015.
  18. ^ Chappell 2019.
  19. ^ Kwok 2018.

Bibliography

[edit]