Abdullahi was born in 1766 in a small village called Maganimi. Unlike his brother and other members of his family, who were of "sparse physique" and lighter-skinned, he was described as being "tall, fat and black".[2]: 21 His father, Muhammad bin Uthman, was given the nickname Foduye (later Fodio), which meant a scholar or knowledgeable person in their native Fulfulde. The nickname comes from the Arabic word Faqīh meaning jurist. He belonged to the Toronkawa ('Torodbe' in Fulfulde) clan, known for their rich tradition of Islamic scholarship in the western Sudan. Abdullahi's 11th forefather, Musa Jakollo, hailed from Futa Toro as a Torodbe Fula and is believed to have led the initial group of Fulani settlers to Hausaland, specifically in Birnin Kwonni. His mother, Hauwa, descended from a lineage of renowned literary scholars. Her maternal grandmother, Ruqayyah bin Alim, was well respected as both an ascetic and a scholar. She gained recognition for her work, Alkarim Yaqbal, which was highly regarded among Islamic scholars during the 18th and 19th centuries. Hauwa's father, Muhammad bin Uthman bin Hamm, surpassed even the fame and respect accorded to Ruqayyah. He was hailed as the most learned Fulani cleric of his era.[2][3]
Abdullahi's earliest known teacher was his mother, Hauwa, who taught him the basics of Islam.[7] As he matured, his father took over as his primary Islamic teacher. It is likely that Abdullahi's formal study of Islam began around the age of 5, and by the time he reached 13, he had already memorized the Quran.[6]: 37 [2]: 6
Subsequently, his older brother Usman assumed the role of his teacher, imparting more advanced subjects in Islam, such as Tauhid, Sufism and Mantiq. Usman further introduced him to Islamic poetry, including works like the Mu'allaqat poems, which had a significant influence on Abdullahi's later writings. Additionally, Usman focused on teaching 'Sharia' or Islamic law, with a particular emphasis on the Maliki school. Together, they studied the school's pivotal texts like the Mukhtasar al-Akhdari by al-Akhdari, and Al-Risalah. Abdullahi learnt Arabic grammar from works of Ibn Ājurrūm, and other works like Qatr al-nada and Shudhur al-dhahab both authored by ibn Hisham.[8]: 162 Usman also introduced Abdullahi to elementary arithmetic.[9]
Some of Abdullahi's later teachers included his uncles, Muhammad ibn Raji, Abdullah ibn Muhammad Thanbu, and other pre-Sokoto scholars like Muhammad al-Firabri, Muhammad al-Buttugha, Mahmud Bazanfare, Muhammad al-Maghuri and al-Hajj Jibrin ibn Umar, who was an influential scholar from Agades.[2][6] He himself later became a tutor and some of his students included his nephew, Muhammad Bello, al-Mustafa b. Muhammad, the father of Shaikh Abd al-Qadir dan Tafa, and Modibbo Raji, who played a significant role in shaping the Islamic scholarly tradition in Adamawa.[10][11]: 86
Starting from the age of 12, Abdullahi accompanied his brother Usman on preaching tours throughout Hausaland. Usman's sermons primarily targeted religious practices that he believed deviated from the pure teachings of Islam. During this period, traditional religious customs were often intertwined with Islamic beliefs in the region. Usman delivered his sermons in both Hausa and Fulfulde, sometimes incorporating poetry as a means of communication. Abdullahi's first preaching experience took place in Degel, his hometown. His first tour outside of Gobir was to the nearby kingdom of Kebbi, again accompanying his brother. This particular tour gained them some recognition as upon their return to Degel, they began receiving visitors from various parts of Hausaland who sought to listen to their sermons. With each tour they embarked on, their fame continued to grow.[6]: 40–48 [5]
This newfound fame provided Usman with significant mobility and opportunities, including the opportunity to preach even in the courts of kings. One notable instance occurred in 1786 when they visited Sarkin Gobir, Bawa, in his royal palace located in Alkalawa. Usman delivered a sermon to Bawa, emphasizing the importance of practicing a pure form of Islam as taught in the Quran and the teachings of Muhammad.[12]
The tours of the two brothers often attracted both men and women in their audiences. This practice was considered radical for the time since it was commonly believed that men and women should not mix in public gatherings. During one of their tours to Daura in 1786, a respected Bornu scholar named al-Mustafa Gwani expressed criticism towards the brothers, condemning their inclusive approach and deeming it un-Islamic. In response to Gwani's poem, Usman instructed Abdullahi, who was about 20 years old at the time, to compose a poem in rebuttal. In Abdullahi's reply, he emphasized the importance of imparting the basic teachings of Islam to the masses through any means necessary, even if it meant the mixing of sexes in gatherings. He criticized his contemporaries, as he believed they displayed indifference towards the alleged deteriorating state of Islam in Hausaland.[6]: 40–48 [11]
Abdullahi and Usman established Degel as their main base, with Usman amassing a significant following that granted him considerable influence within Gobir. The ruler of Gobir at the time, Bawa, found himself in a delicate situation, attempting to navigate the interests of the growing Muslim population while also appeasing the adherents of Mborii, the traditional religion of the Hausawa.[5]: 7–8
Usman continued his preaching in Gobir, attracting an even larger following, which caused Bawa increasing anxiety. However, in 1794–1795, Bawa passed away, and his son Nafata succeeded him as Sarkin Gobir. Nafata swiftly implemented measures to suppress the growing Muslim community within Gobir. He prohibited anyone except Shehu Usman from preaching about Islam, and he enforced a ban on converting to a religion different from that of one's parents. Additionally, Nafata forced Muslim converts to renounce their newfound faith and revert to the religion of their ancestors. Furthermore, he issued a decree forbidding women from wearing hijabs and niqabs. However, Nafata's reign was short-lived, as he passed away in 1798.[6]: 45–46 [5]: 7–12
After Nafata's reign, his son Yunfa was appointed as Sarkin Gobir by the kingmakers. Yunfa had been a student of Usman, and it was believed that the Shehu had aided him in ascending the throne by exerting his influence. Initially, Yunfa and the Shehu had a good relationship due to their prior connection, but tensions soon emerged. The Shehu's growing influence in Gobir began to rival that of Yunfa himself. Furthermore, some of Usman's followers, including Abdullahi, harbored mistrust towards Yunfa, perceiving him to behave similarly to his predecessors under pressure. These followers desired a jihad within Gobir and actively sought to provoke such a response. One of the notable followers was Abd al-Salam, a Hausa scholar who would later revolt against the Sokoto Caliphate some decades later. Abd al-Salam, along with his small group of disciples, had been wanted for arrest in Gobir due to his provocations during Nafata's reign. They ultimately fled from Gobir to Gimbana in Kebbi. When Yunfa assumed the throne, he ordered Usman to write a letter commanding Abd al-Salam to return. However, the Shehu refused to comply with this demand, further exacerbating the tensions between Yunfa and himself.[6]: 47 [5]: 12–15
Yunfa sent an expedition to Gimbana with the intention of capturing Abd al-Salam. However, he managed to evade capture by seeking refuge in a Fulani fortress nearby. The Gobir forces took several Muslim prisoners captive after their raid on Gimbana. As the Gobir forces were making their way back to Alkalawa, they encountered followers of Usman who had learned of the captured prisoners and were demanding their release. Consequently, the prisoners were released in response to the demands. Usman became furious with Abdullahi when he discovered that he had orchestrated the incident without his knowledge or consent. In response to this, Yunfa ordered Usman and his family to leave Gobir. The Shehu refused this order preferring to stay in Degel. However, his followers were prepared to leave Gobir and to perform Hijra thereby declaring jihad on Gobir.[6]: 47–48 [5]: 12–16
Abdullahi joined the hijra out of Gobir. They settled in Gudu, in 1804, hoping to be safe from Yunfa. Yunfa, however, sent frequent raiders to Gudu to steal supplies which lead to numerous Muslim casualties. Amidst these challenging circumstances, Abdullahi, along with other senior Muslim followers, engaged in discussions and consultations. Recognizing the need for a leader to guide them during the difficult times, the Shehu was put forward. However, Usman declined the leadership position, considering himself too old to lead a full-fledged jihad. In the absence of a suitable alternative, Usman accepted the appointment as Amir al-Mu'minin (Commander of the Faithful) and given the salute of homage, first by Abdullahi, and then by Muhammad Bello.[5]: 23–24
The first significant battle of the jihad, known as Tabkin Kwatto (lit.'Battle of Kwatto') took place in June 1804. Prior to this battle, there were several skirmishes between the Muslim and Gobir armies in the outskirts and valleys surrounding Gobir. After one of the skirmishes where the Muslims won, Yunfa, along with his army, moved towards Lake Kwatto to intercept the returning Muslim army on their way back to Gudu. Yunfa chose to avoid attacking them directly at Gudu due to the advantageous position of the hills surrounding the town. According to Bello, Yunfa had a hundred heavy cavalry with the Tuareg and Gobirawa being mounted on horseback. On the other hand, the Muslim army was outnumbered and ill-equipped. They had limited horses and had to heavily rely on bows as their primary weapon.[5]: 24–26
Deserters from Yunfa's army provided intelligence to the Muslims, warning them of the impending ambush on their return to Gudu. The Muslim army, under the command of Abdullahi, received support from the Konni Fulbe forces led by Ali Jedo, as well as other Hausa and Tuareg Muslims. Initially, Yunfa's army held the upper hand in the battle. However, the Muslims' high morale, fueled by their desire for martyrdom, ultimately turned the tide in their favor. The Muslims emerged victorious, and the Gobirawa forces were forced to retreat.[5]: 26–28 [13] Abdullah described the victory in a poem he composed for Shehu Usman:
...We drove them off in the middle of the day,
And they had nothing but the thicket for shelter in the darkness of the night.
And their Yunfa joined his midday and his evening prayers at Rima
Performing them by signs, while the sun was rising.
Following a Muslim defeat at the Battle of Tsuntua in 1804, the Shehu's party was in a critical position that could have caused an early end to the jihad. They faced challenges such as a scarcity of supplies, particularly food, and the need to constantly remain on the move. In order to address these issues and secure a stable base for their operations, a strategic decision was made in February 1805 to depart from Gobir and advance towards Sabon Gari in Zamfara. Abdullahi, with the assistance of the Amir al-jaishAli Jedo, was entrusted with leading an expedition to Kebbi, located south of Zamfara. The primary objective of this expedition was to secure a permanent base for the Muslim forces. Kebbi, being a fertile kingdom, offered favorable conditions for agricultural activities, enabling the cultivation of crops to sustain Usman's followers and provide a reliable source of food for the Muslim community.[8]: 131–132
As Abdullahi's army advanced towards Birnin-Kebbi, the capital of the Kebbi kingdom, they encountered and captured several fortresses along their route. Upon reaching the city, Abdullahi sent a message to the ruler of Kebbi, Sarkin Kebbi Muhammad Hodi ibn Suleiman, offering terms of peace. These terms guaranteed the security of their lives and property if they were willing to renounce practices deemed "un-Islamic" by Abdullahi. After engaging in negotiations that spanned three days, the offer presented by Abdullahi was ultimately rejected by Sarkin Kebbi and his supporters. As a result, a battle ensued between Abdullahi's forces and the defenders of Birnin-Kebbi. Despite the resistance put up by the city's defenders, Abdullahi's army ultimately succeeded in capturing Birnin-Kebbi on 12 April 1805. However, Sarkin Kebbi, Muhammad Hodi, managed to escape from the city before its fall. Abdullah installed Usman Massa, a prince of Kebbi who joined the jihad prior to the expedition, as Sarkin Kebbi.[8]: 132–134
After the successful expedition, Abdullahi returned to Sabon-Gari. In October 1805, the Shehu's community set out for Gwandu. Located in the now pacified Kebbi emirate, the town offered fertile lands and resources that could sustain the entire community. It is possible that the choice of Gwandu was influenced by the brothers' familiarity with the area, as they had previously traveled through it during their preaching tours before the onset of the jihad.[8]: 131–134 [5]: 33–34 [9]
In the following year, the Muslim forces led by Muhammad Bello, Abdullahi and Ali Jedo suffered a crushing defeat to Yunfa's army at the Battle of Alwassa, where Abdullahi lost many close companions. Fighting continued however, with expeditions being sent out to Yauri, Borgu, Dendi and Bauchi ('Bauchi' here means the area of non-Muslims south of Sokoto and not Bauchi emirate). During this period, revolts erupted in Kebbi after a year and a half of relative peace but were quickly suppressed.[5]: 37
Prior to 1808, the Muslim forces launched three unsuccessful campaigns with the objective of capturing Alkalawa, the capital of Gobir. One of these campaigns took place in 1807, during which Abdullahi made the decision to leave the army and embark on a journey to Kano, ultimately intending to continue on to Mecca. Abdullahi's departure from the army and the ongoing jihad was motivated by his belief that the original purpose of the jihad, which was to revive Islam in Hausaland, had been overshadowed by materialistic pursuits. His disillusionment with the direction of the jihad stemmed from his perception that the focus had shifted away from spiritual and religious revival to more worldly concerns. The theologian Dr Humphrey Fisher illustrates the significance of this departure by writing that "it is as if the Foreign Secretary, on a mission to Moscow, vanished crossing the Channel and re-emerged in Marseilles on his way to Jerusalem".[8]: 172 Regarding his desertion, Abdullahi wrote:
Then there came to me from God the sudden thought to shun the homelands, and my brothers, and turn towards the best of God's creation, in order to seek approval, because of what I had seen of the changing times, and (my) brothers, and their inclination towards the world, and their squabbling over its possession, and its wealth, and its regard, together with their abandoning the upkeep of the mosques and the schools, and other things besides that. I knew that I was the worst of them, and that what I had seen from others would not deter me. I considered flight incumbent upon me, and I left the army and occupied myself with my own (affairs) and faced towards the East, towards the Chosen One–– may God bless him and give him peace––if God would make that easy.[2]: 120–121
Abdullahi embarked on his pilgrimage accompanied by five companions, including some slaves. After three days of travel, they arrived in the city of Kano. However, the people of Kano implored him to stay and share his teachings with them instead of continuing his journey to Mecca. Abdullahi decided to remain in Kano. During his time there, he authored the book Diya al-hukkam (Light of the lawyers). This book focused on governance in accordance with Sharia, emphasizing the application of Islamic law in matters of governance. It also addressed the principles of hereditary systems of government and the importance of accountability for those in positions of power. In addition to his writings, Abdullahi dedicated himself to teaching the Quran and providing tafsir during the holy month of Ramadan in 1807. Furthermore, he set the qiblah (direction of prayer) for the Great Mosque of Kano, which was located near the emir's palace.[3][14][15]
In October 1807, Abdullahi returned to Gwandu, resuming his involvement in the jihad. Subsequently, in the autumn of 1808, Muhammad Bello, accompanied by Ali Jedo, led a military campaign with the aim of capturing Alkalawa. This time, their efforts proved successful, as the city was captured on 3 October 1808. During the siege, Yunfa was killed, and his mother and wife were taken as prisoners. This marked the end of the Sokoto revolution in Hausaland. While pockets of resistance persisted throughout Hausaland during the existence of the Sokoto Caliphate, there was no significant power capable of disputing the authority of the caliphate until the arrival of the British a century later.[8]: 136–137
Map of Gwandu and Sokoto, highlighting Bodinga and Sifawa. By Élisee Reclus (1892)
After the capture of Alkalawa, the Shehu dispatched Abdullahi on a successful campaign to Gurma, a region located beyond the River Niger, and the island of Fas. During this campaign, Abdullahi encountered resistance but managed to achieve victory, leading to the conversion of the local population to Islam.[2]
In the subsequent year 1809–1810, Usman moved to Sifawa from Gwandu. He stayed in a temporary place his son, Bello, built for him while the city of Sokoto was being built. Sifawa is located on a prominent elevated area surrounded by valleys that eventually lead to the Kebbi River. While it is still within the territory of Kebbi, it is situated away from the primary valley and instead lies on the route connecting Sokoto to Yabo and Gwandu. The region is known as the grazing ground of the Sullebawa Fulbe. About two miles north Abdullah established his own village called Bodinga. This village was closer to Usman than Gwandu. Abdullahi resided in Bodinga until the passing of his brother, after which he relocated to Gwandu.[5]: 40–42
In 1812, the Shehu organized an administration to govern the territories under the control of the Sokoto Caliphate. Up until that point, Abdullahi had been serving as the Waziri (Grand Vizier) to the Shehu, while Bello held the position of Vizier, and Ali Jedo acted as the Amir al-jaish (Supreme Commander of the Army). As part of the administrative organization, the land was divided into four regions, each overseen by one of the key figures. Abdullahi was assigned the western region, Bello took charge of the eastern region, Ali Jedo governed the northern region, Muhammad Buhari (Usman's son) and Abd al-Salam were given authority over some parts of the southern area.[9] Their role was to supervise the emirates on behalf of the Amir al-mu'minin.[8]: 175–176 [5]: 40–45 With the military aspect of the struggle over, Usman withdrew from public life and focused on his scholarly work. He continued writing and teaching like his pre-jihad days.[6]: 53
In 1815, Usman relocated to Sokoto, and a year later he passed away due to an illness. Upon receiving the news, Abdullahi embarked on a journey to Sokoto to pay his respects to his late brother. However, upon his arrival, he found the city gates closed and was denied entry. Disheartened, Abdullahi returned to Bodinga, while Muhammad Bello was elected as the new Sultan. Abdullahi may have expected to be chosen considering his seniority among the leaders of the jihad, his role as the Shehu's chief vizier, and his renowned scholarship within the Caliphate. This strained his relationship with his nephew, Muhammad Bello. However, they eventually reconciled in 1820–21 when Muhammad Bello, unexpectedly, aided in suppressing a revolt by a combined force of Gobirawa, Zamfarawa and Dendawa in Kalambaina against Abdullahi.[6]: 54–59 [9][16]
Following the conclusion of the jihad, Abdullahi, like his brother the Shehu, ceased leading military campaigns and focused primarily on his scholarly pursuits, writings, and teaching. His surviving works from this period show him "a mature scholar with a concern for his soul, rather than an administrator concerned with the government of his territories".[17] However, he delegated military responsibilities to his son, Muhammad Wani, who led expeditions to Nupeland and Gwariland, as well as suppressed revolts in Kebbi. Abdullahi also ensured a smooth succession by appointing Muhammad Wani as the administrator of the Gwandu emirate, securing his position as the undisputed successor to the Sarkin Gwandu (Emir of Gwandu) after Abdullahi's passing.[18]
Abdullahi dan Fodio passed away in the month of Muharram in 1245 A.H. (July 1829 A.D.) at the age of sixty-six in Gwandu. As his health deteriorated, he summoned his son back to Gwandu to ensure his proper burial. At that time, Muhammad Wani was in Birnin-Kebbi, overseeing the administration of the emirate. With Abdullahi's demise, Muhammad Wani assumed the position of Sarkin Gwandu and relocated to the city of Gwandu to carry out his responsibilities as the new Emir.[18][19]: 95
The original manuscript of Sonnore Abdullahi written by Nana Asma'u in 1829
After Abdullahi's passing, Nana Asma'u, poet and daughter of Usman dan Fodio, wrote an elegy for her uncle. Originally composed in 1829–30 in Fulfulde, the poem had thirty-one lines.[20]
Abdullahi served as Shehu Usman's 'helper' since their preaching days but he was not formally recognised as the Shehu's Waziri (Grand Vizier) until the inauguration of Usman as Amir al-mu'minnin in 1805. He was the first recognise the Shehu as the Commander of the faithful followed by Bello.[11]: 289 [21]
After assuming the position of Sultan of Sokoto, Muhammad Bello appointed Gidado dan Laima as the new Wazirin Sokoto. However, due to their ongoing conflict, Abdullahi refused to acknowledge the legitimacy of both Bello and Gidado's positions. However, after the Battle of Kalambaina in 1819, they both reconciled. Sultan Bello, mounted on his war-horse, attempted to approach Abdullahi, who was riding his mare, like the Shehu, a choice he saw as befitting his status as a malam or learned man. Bello tried to perform the customary greeting of jafi, as a sign of respect to his uncle, but his horse did not cooperate. Recognizing the gesture, Abdullahi courteously signaled for Bello to remain in the saddle and then officially saluted him as Amir al-mu'minin. He removed his own gown and turban, handing them over to Gidado, thereby acknowledging and affirming Gidado's position as the Wazirin Sokoto. Even today, this ceremony continues to be observed whenever the Emir of Gwandu visits the Sultan's palace in Sokoto. The Wazirin Sokoto greets the Emir, and as a mark of respect and tradition, the Emir hands over his gown and turban to the Wazirin Sokoto, symbolizing the enduring legacy of Abdullahi's act of acknowledgment and the ongoing relationship between Gwandu and Sokoto.[7]: 70 [22] Abdullahi further gave Gidado a quiver, a bow, a sword and 'some other things' to signify the office of the Vizier and are in possession of the current Wazirin Sokoto, Professor Sambo Wali Junaidu.[5]
Abdullahi distinguishes three categories of viziers, the highest being Wazir al-tafwid (Minister with delegated authority). This role involves the caliph (or sultan) delegating full authority to the appointed individual, similar to the function of a Prime Minister. The Wazir assumes a vital responsibility of overseeing and managing all affairs within the caliphate. They are entrusted with the task of making independent political decisions and are required to possess a high level of trustworthiness and reliability. A comprehensive understanding of the Law and its court systems is also essential for fulfilling the obligations of this position. Abdullahi further states that the authority vested in the role of the Wazir al-tafwid is almost equivalent to that of the caliph, albeit with a few limitations. Firstly, the wazir does not possess the authority to designate an heir-apparent to succeed the caliph. Secondly, the wazir does not have the privilege to request relief from their duty, nor can they dismiss individuals appointed by the caliph from their respective offices. The other two types of wazirs listed by Abdullahi is the Wazir al-tanfidh (Executive Minister), who was to carry out the policies of the caliph, and Wazir al-istisharah (Advisory Minister), who acts as a councillor to the caliph.[6]: 103–106 [8]: 255
A manuscript of the Miftāḥ li–l Tafsīr completed in Degel in 1794-5
A page from a poem by Abdullahi where he thanks his teachers which features a decorative marker pattern. Such markers are common in Hausa calligraphy.[23]
Abdullahi made significant literary contributions that spanned a wide array of subjects, particularly within the realm of Islam, making it challenging to neatly categorize his works. His earliest known work was written when he was eight years old, and his last in 1828. Among the scholars of the 19th-century Sokoto Caliphate, he stood out as the sole author who wrote on Tafsir, or Quranic exegesis. Noteworthy works in this area include Kifayat al-Dua'fa' al-Sudan and Diya' al-Ta'weel fi ma'ani al-Tanzeek. Abdullahi also tackled various advanced aspects of the religion, addressing topics such as Tajweed, the art of Quranic recitation, and Mastalah al-hadeeth, which deals with the principles of Hadith studies. Furthermore, he dedicated attention to the study of the Arabic language, producing works on Balagh (rhetoric), Nahwu (grammar), as well as syntax and phonology. These valuable works continue to be studied not only within Nigeria but also in other regions such as Egypt and the broader Middle East.[1] With approximately eighty writings to his name, Abdullahi is widely regarded as the "greatest Nigerian poet in classical Arabic literature".[24]: 32 [25]
One notable collection of Abdullahi's works is titled Diya, meaning 'an illuminating light'. Each work within this collection focuses on a specific juristic question, exploring different aspects of Islamic law. Examples include Diya' al Ummah, Diya' ahl-Ihtisub, Diya' al-Sultan, Diya' Al-faraid, Diya' al-Umara, Diya' al-hukkam, Diya' ul al-amr wa al-Mujahideen, and Diya' al-Ulum al-Deen.[7]: 240–243 [9]
The full title of this work is Tazyin al-waraqat bi-jam' ba'd ma li min al-abyat (Decorating Pages with Some of my Poems) and it was completed on 14 October 1813 in Bodinga. It consists of thirty-six folios. This work by Abdullahi serves as a historical source, providing a contextual understanding of the jihad in Sokoto through his numerous poems dedicated to the campaigns. It shares similarities with other renowned works such as Ayyam al-Arab and Sira literature, which also document significant events and narratives in Islamic history.[11]: 109–110
The German explorer Heinrich Barth described it as containing "besides a great deal of theological matter, some important historical data" in his journal describing his journey through Sokoto published in 1857.[26] The work was edited and translated to English by Mervyn Hiskett of the School of Oriental and African Studies in 1963. In 1919, Adolph Brass translated the work to German titled Eine neue Quelle zur Geschichte des Fulreiches Sokoto.[2]: 1
Abdullahi composed the work Diya' al-hukkam(The light for governors)[27]: 215 in 1806–7, following his departure from the ongoing jihad and his arrival in Kano while en route to Mecca. The full title of this work is Diya' al-hukkam fi-ma lahum wa-'alayhim min al-ahkam.[28]: 91 The Kano community pleaded with him to stay and provide guidance and education. During this time, Hausaland, and particularly Kano, faced significant instability, as the various Fulbe clans in the emirate contended for power in the aftermath of the death of Malam Dan Zabuwa, a prominent leader of the jihad. Zabuwa's son, Abdullahi, was considered too young to assume a ruling position, and another candidate, Alkali Usuman, lacked the necessary resources, followers, influence, and, being of Hausa ethnicity, the ethnic status and fluency in Fulfulde, the language of the Fulbe leaders. Additionally, many Hausa residents of Kano viewed Abdullahi with suspicion due to his close association with the Fulbe clans. Suleimanu, who served as the Imam, was chosen by Usman to be the Sarkin Kano, but he lacked significant followers and influence, rendering him politically weak. Restoring political stability to the emirate became a crucial objective during this period as it was the commercial centre of the region. It was within this complex political context that Abdullahi wrote the work Diya' al-hukkam, aiming to provide guidance and counsel on matters of governance and leadership.[3] The work came to be regarded as the "second Kano constitution" by the emirate's ulama.[27]: 215
This book delves into the topic of governance in accordance with Sharia, Islamic law. Abdullahi primarily focuses on hereditary systems of government and emphasises the principles of accountability that those in positions of power should adhere to. The translation of this work into Hausa, titled Hasken Mahukunta, was written by the renowned writer Abubakar Imam in 1966.[21]: 113 [29]
The full title of this work is Diya' al-sultan wa-ghayrihi min al-ikhwan fi ahamm ma yutlabu 'ilmuhu fi umur al-zaman (A Guide to the Sultan and other Brothers), completed on 19 January 1812 in Bodinga. This work specifically focuses on providing guidance to Muslim rulers and leaders. This work was based on the works of al-Maghili. Within its pages, Abdullahi delves into the potential pitfalls and risks associated with kingship, particularly in the context of succession from father to son. It is likely that Abdullahi's concerns stemmed from his perception that Usman was favoring his son, Bello, as his successor.[2]: 15 [19]: 41 [30]
In response to Abdullahi's work, Usman penned his own piece titled Najm al-ikhwan in 1813. In this work, Usman countered Abdullahi's viewpoint and argued that it was not in violation of Islamic law for a son to inherit a position of power, as long as the son possesses the necessary qualifications and capabilities for effective leadership.[30]
The full title of this work is Diya' al-ta'wil fi ma'ani 'l-tanzil (Lights on Interpreting the Meaning of the Given Word).[31]: 91 This comprehensive work on Tafsir, consisting of two volumes and 747 folios, gained widespread popularity in West Africa, reaching as far as Mauritania. The first volume was completed on 2 September 1815 in Bodinga or Gwandu and the second on 10 July 1816 in Gwandu.[2]: 15 [28]: 91 It is regarded as his magnum opus by some scholars.[2]: 90 Abdullahi also produced an abridged version titled Kifayat du'afa' al-sudan.[32]: 119 In this work, Abdullahi emphasized the importance of al-Shura (consultation) in politics within an Islamic society. According to him, al-Shura is crucial for the efficiency, firmness, and strength of all Muslim governments. It serves as a means to gauge the will of the people and formulate appropriate policies and legislation. Abdullahi argues that a nation that governs through mutual consultation consistently achieves the best results. Therefore, Islamic rulers are obligated to govern based on al-Shura, and failure to do so may necessitate their removal by the Muslims.[33]
In this work, completed in 1817, Abdullahi presents a description of the initiation process for a Sufi novice into the Khalwatiyya order. According to his account, the initiation involves seven stages, each corresponding to the seven degrees of the soul recognized by Sufi practitioners. During the initiation, the novice and the Sufi master would sit together in a dimly lit room. The master would then hold the hand of the novice, establishing a physical connection. The master guides the novice to focus on listening to his recitation of dhikr, a form of repetitive remembrance of Allah's names. As the master closes his eyes and repeats the dhikr three times, the novice is encouraged to attentively listen and internalize the spiritual aspects of the remembrance. This was likely the method Mallam Jibril used to initiate Abdullah and Usman into the Sufi orders.[8]: 167–168
Sufism is said to have been introduced to Hausaland by al-Maghili in the late 15th-century. Both Abdullahi and his brother, Usman, dedicated themselves to the study of Sufism from a young age and continued their engagement with Sufi teachings throughout their lives. Abdullahi, in particular, produced numerous writings that explored the interplay between Sufism and Shariah. Under the guidance of his mentor, Jibril ibn Umar, Abdullahi underwent initiation into various Sufi orders, including the Shadhiliyah, Khalwatiya, and Qadiriyah. Among these, the Qadiriyah order gained significant popularity within the Sokoto Caliphate and eventually became the official Sufi order of Sokoto. Abdullahi followed the orthodox Sufism of Abu Hamid al-Ghazali. He also studied works of Ibn Ata Allah al-Iskandari and Abd al-Karim al-Jili.[8]: 164–167
Abdullahi's deep involvement in Sufism is evident in his writings and expressions of devotion. For instance, he composed a poem dedicated to the esteemed Qadiriyah scholar Mukhtar al-Kunti, although it is said that the poem never reached its intended Kunti. However, a student of Kunti later sent a panegyric to Usman, Abdullahi, and Muhammad Bello, symbolizing the support of the Kunti community for the Sokoto jihad.[8]: 166
Abdullahi dan Fodio's enduring influence in Hausaland and later Northern Nigeria can be attributed not only to his military achievements but also to his extensive literary contributions. He authored approximately eighty writings, encompassing various poems and books. These writings have retained their relevance over time, particularly among Muslims in Northern Nigeria, who continue to draw inspiration and guidance from his teachings.[8]: 224 [34] Many of his poems that were written in Fulfulde are still being sung by women and children in Adamawa and northern Cameroon. [8]: 271 Atiku Abubakar, former Vice-President of Nigeria, described him as "...a great intellectual, a general in the jihad campaigns, an administrator whose objective was to establish equity and social justice among people, and a reputed statesman of exemplary character".[35]
Abdullahi's legacy continued through his descendants, with all subsequent Emirs of Gwandu, tracing their lineage back to him, a tradition that has persisted for over two centuries. The title retains its significance and is the third most important Muslim traditional leader in Nigeria, following only the Sultan of Sokoto and the Shehu of Bornu.[37] Furthermore, his legacy is evident in the contemporary landscape of Nigerian Islamic scholarship. Prominent scholars, such as Shaikh Nasiru Kabara, claim connection to Abdullahi through their teachers, who were either directly taught by Abdullahi or were students of his disciples.[8]: 276 According to Shaikh Abubakar Gumi, because of the teachings and guidance of Abdullahi, Gwandu remains the most Sunnah oriented emirate in Nigeria.[8]: 223 His tomb in Gwandu stands as a significant historical site and draws numerous visitors.[6]: 81 [38]
Some institutions and places named after him include:
^Boyd, Jean; Mack, Beverly B. (1984). African Historical Sources Series: Collected Works of Nana Asma'u, Daughter of Usman dan Fodiyo (1793–1864). Michigan State University Press. pp. 34–35. ISBN0-87013-475-2.
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