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Background

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Goldwater's executive experience stretched back to 1929, when he took over his family's department store chain "Goldwater's" after finishing school at the University of Arizona.[1] By 1937, he became president of the chain and was Chairman of the Board by 1953.[2] Goldwater began active duty in the United States Army Air Forces just prior to the American entrance into World War II, and was deployed to India. In 1945, he was discharged from active duty as a Lieutenant Colonel in piloting and went on to organize the Arizona National Guard. By 1959, he had attained the ranking of Brigadier General in the Air Force Reserve Command, and was a Major General by 1962.[1]

Goldwater opened his political career in 1949 when elected to the city council of Phoenix with a focus on eliminating rampant gambling and prostitution. Three years later, he ran for U.S. Senate as a member of the Republican Party and unseated incumbent Democrat Ernest McFarland, who had served in the body since 1941.[2] After winning re-election in 1958 against a candidate heavily funded by labor unions, critics hailed Goldwater as the conservative successor of Robert Taft. His political stock rose significantly two years later when he ran his first campaign for president and published the widely-circulated book The Conscience of a Conservative.[3] Some of Goldwater's political positions included anti-communism, an emphasis on "total victory" in war and opposition to high taxes and government spending.[4]

Early stages

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Suite 3505 Committee

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In 1961, a group of twenty-two conservatives including Congressman John M. Ashbrook of Ohio, lawyer William A. Rusher and scholar F. Clifton White met privately in Chicago to discuss the formation of a grassroots organization to secure the nomination of a conservative at the 1964 Republican National Convention. They budgeted $65,000 for the first year of activities and split the U.S. into nine geographic regions, appointing a director for each to build an organization and influence the local Republican Party. The main headquarters for the organization were established at Suite 3505 of the Chanin Building in New York City, leading members to refer to themselves as the "Suite 3505 Committee". They decided to wait until after the 1962 mid-term elections to chose a favored candidate. Following the election, they formally backed Goldwater, who upon hearing the news after a leak in January 1963, notified the group that he did not wish to begin a campaign. As a result, three months later, they established the "Draft Goldwater Committee" headed by Texas Republican Party Chairman Peter O'Donnell. The committee helped turn state delegations in Goldwater's favor by filling caucuses with supporters in the west and negotiating with party leaders in the midwest. The group also laid the foundation for the Southern strategy by essentially creating the deep south states' Republican Parties, and overthrowing the Democratic patronage system. John Grenier, the former Alabama Republican Party Chairman and the committee's southern regional coordinator, was responsible for Republican organization in the south.[5]

Groundwork

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Throughout 1963, the media speculated about a potential presidential run by Goldwater. Grassroots efforts heightened as well,[6] climaxing with a July 4 rally in Washington D.C. attended by 8,000 supporters.[7] Shortly thereafter, Goldwater hinted at a possible presidential candidacy and explained to the "Draft Goldwater Committee" that he planned to use his own staff if he decided to run.[8] In late October, he speculated that he could open his candidacy in January 1964 and campaign extensively in New Hampshire ahead of the state's first-in-the-nation primary.[9] To lay the groundwork, he named former Eisenhower aide Edward A. McCabe as Research Director to lead a team of economists and political scientists to formulate policy positions and speeches. McCabe worked under longtime Goldwater adviser Denison Kitchel, who officially worked as the campaign manager of Goldwater's Senate re-election,[10] and would eventually be named as the campaign manager of the presidential run. Around this time, an AP poll showed that 85.1 percent of Republicans believed Goldwater was the "strongest candidate" for the party, cementing his place as frontrunner. Meanwhile, a Gallup poll showed that former Vice President Richard Nixon,[11] who had not shown an interest in the Republican nomination after losing the 1960 presidential election and the 1962 gubernatorial race in California,[12] led Goldwater, 52 percent to 48 percent among Republicans in a two-way race.[11] With all potential candidates included, Goldwater led with 37 percent support.[13]

While he enjoyed enthusiastic support from the conservative movement,[11] Goldwater was opposed by liberals and moderates in the party, particularly New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller, who was also speculated to run for president. He cast Goldwater as an opponent of civil rights[14] and an isolationist that wanted to withdraw from the United Nations.[15] He vowed to stop Goldwater from running, "at all costs".[14]

The dynamic of the race changed in November 1963 when President Kennedy was assassinated and succeeded by Vice President Lyndon Johnson. Goldwater began to receive hate mail for creating a "climate of hate", and reconsidered his run for the presidency.[16] He privately remarked that he was relieved he had not committed to forming a campaign since a major loss to Johnson could have damaged the Conservative movement.[17] As a southerner, Johnson would appeal to the rural Protestant bloc that Goldwater hoped to gain against the northern Roman Catholic Kennedy.[18] Word that Goldwater could possibly decide against running caused grassroots supporters to fill his mailboxes with supportive letters. A reluctance on Goldwater's part could have greatly demoralized the movement and caused proponents to grow bitter.[17] After the conclusion of the official mourning period for President Kennedy, Goldwater went on the attack against the new President, accusing Johnson of playing "politics with Christmas" by twisting the arms of Congressmen to pass a foreign aid bill on Christmas Eve.[18] Goldwater still led among the other potential Republican candidates, but his support had dropped to 25 percent.[13]

Primary campaign

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'A choice, not an echo'

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Goldwater officially announced his candidacy on January 3 from the patio of his home in Phoenix.[19] During the address, he promised "a choice, not an echo" in the election, and positioned himself to the right of Nelson Rockefeller,[20] who had announced his candidacy two months prior.[21] Supporters were excited by the entrance of Goldwater, and predicted that he would take the south from the Democratic column.[22] Two days after the announcement, he appeared on Meet the Press, but was uncomfortable from previous foot surgery. Critics Rowland Evans and Robert Novak noted that even Goldwater supporters deemed the interview a "flop".[23] Hoping to make up for the setback, he left for New Hampshire, beginning a 19 day campaign swing, ahead of the state's March 10 primary. At every stop, including his first major campaign speech at Manchester's St. Anselm College, Goldwater criticized President Johnson for his liberal policies and expansion of the federal government.[24] He asserted that Johnson was trying to appeal to Washington insiders as a New Deal liberal, while hoping to present himself to the public as a conservative. He argued that Johnson was compelled to continue the programs of the Kennedy administration against his own desires. Goldwater would later, directly discuss the assassination of Kennedy, and remarked that communism was to blame.[25] In a head to head match-up with Johnson, Goldwater trailed 20 percent to 75 percent,[26] and his lead over Rockefeller tightened.[27]

Later in January, Goldwater came under fire for a few of his comments. First, while criticizing President Johnson's plans to cut funding to manned-bombers, he claimed that long-range missiles were "not dependable". Defense Secretary Robert McNamara blasted the remark and accused Goldwater of "damaging the national security".[28] General Curtis LeMay backed Goldwater's claims, and Congressional hearings would later be conducted on missile reliability.[29] Next, Rockefeller took exception[30] to Goldwater's suggestion that it was not beneficial for the United States to remain in the United Nations in the wake of its admittance of communist China.[31] Rockefeller challenged Goldwater to a debate,[30] though Goldwater felt that debating Rockefeller "would be more like debating a member of the New Frontier than...another Republican."[32] Despite the criticism, Goldwater refused to alter his political beliefs, opting to remain consistent with his conservative ideology.[33] Nevertheless, polls at the end of January marked an eight point decrease in Goldwater's New Hampshire lead from two months previous. He led Rockefeller, 54 percent to 46 percent in the state.[34]

In early February, Goldwater embarked on a campaign tour of Minnesota. During a stop in Minneapolis, he leveled what the Associated Press labeled his "toughest campaign attack on Johnson's foreign policy." He accused the administration of failing in Vietnam and Panama and argued that Johnson was "off making promises to buy votes at home while the world smolders and burns."[35] Afterwards, he arrived in Chicago for a fundraiser and announced his support for a tougher blockade against Cuba.[36] He continued his dialogue on the Cold War during a stop in San Francisco, arguing that the U.S. had no policy on the issue. He proposed an outline to maintain peace that included the encouragement of Communist "eviction from positions of control" in the world, and maintenance of American strength to keep the Soviet Union in check.[37]

Later, Goldwater embarked on a four-day tour of New Hampshire, his last appearance in the state, before his final campaign run ahead of the primary.[38] During the trip, he publicly wondered why "the Rockefeller family wants to do business with...Communist countries",[39] and remarked that he would fire defense secretary McNamara for his insistence that long range missiles were more accurate than manned bombings. He referred to this as the "stupidest statement" he ever heard from a defense secretary.[40]

Early primaries and state conventions

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At the end of February, Goldwater began to downplay the importance of the New Hampshire Primary, commenting that any result above 35 percent would be a "strong showing" due to the overabundance of candidates such as Senator Margaret Chase Smith. He projected that the June 2 California Primary would be a better test of the strength of the primary field ahead of the national convention in July.[41] He attended the Oklahoma and North Carolina state conventions to campaign for delegates, in the first of several crucial state conventions.[42] While in North Carolina, Goldwater claimed that in order to win the election, the GOP nominee must carry the south. He argued that none of his opponents understood the problems of the south and were therefore unviable general election candidates. Goldwater won 22 delegates from Oklahoma, but gained none from North Carolina despite winning the convention's endorsement. However, the state's 26 delegates were likely to back Goldwater.[43]

As the New Hampshire primary neared, Rockefeller began to attack Goldwater, claiming he supported a voluntary social security plan that would bankrupt the nation. Goldwater denied the charge.[44] He campaigned in New Hampshire until the primary vote, spending approximately $150,000 as opposed to $250,000 by Rockefeller. Voters grew wary of Goldwater's stances on social security, Cuba, the military and the role of the Federal government, and were likewise turned off by Rockefeller's very public divorce. As a result, the electorate sought out other candidates. Surprisingly,[45] Ambassador to South Vietnam Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. won the primary with 35.5 percent[46] as a write-in candidate while still serving in Vietnam and without making any public appearances in New Hampshire.[45] Goldwater finished in second with 22.3 percent, followed by Rockefeller with 21.0 percent.[46] Neither won any delegates from the primary.[45] The chairman of the Florida GOP attributed the defeat to a divided campaign, which he also witnessed in his state,[47] where party leaders such as Congressman William C. Cramer disagreed over a delegate slate.[48]

After the loss in New Hampshire, Goldwater focused his efforts on California, remarking that it was "the only primary [he was] interested in."[49] He traveled to the state to vie for the endorsement of the 14,000 member California GOP at the party's annual convention. Goldwater won the backing of the party at the convention, increasing the number of volunteers to his California campaign. Rockefeller was angered by the result and declared that the convention had been overrun by radicals.[50] At the end of March, Goldwater traveled to Detroit and continued to criticize defense secretary McNamara, calling him an "all-time loser."[51] Meanwhile, his son, Barry Goldwater, Jr. campaigned for his father in Oregon[52] in preparation for the state's May 15 primary.[53]

Frontrunner status

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In early April, Goldwater himself traveled to Oregon and made several campaign stops, noting the "psychological importance" of the state's primary due to its proximity to California. During a press conference, he announced plans to utilize television to spread his message, and attacked his opponent, Rockefeller, for labeling the campaign as extremist. But, he refused to use his opponent's recent divorce for political purposes,[54] and Rockefeller eased his direct criticism, praising Goldwater for his willingness to discuss his views with the American people.[55] Both men spoke before the Republican Women's Conference in Washington in early April. Rockefeller set his sights on Goldwater and warned of "extremism" in the Republican Party, but Goldwater instead criticized the Johnson administration for its policies on Communism, and called for Republicans to "just fight Democrats rather than other Republicans".[56]

Ahead of the Illinois Primary, Goldwater traveled to Chicago and announced that he would change the campaign's media policy to avoid overexposure to the press, which he believed was reporting negatively on his campaign.[57] He won the Illinois primary with 64 percent of the vote and gained most of the state's 48 delegates,[58] but the victory was overshadowed by the 25 percent performance by long-shot candidate Margaret Smith. Goldwater's total was lower than the 80 percent that was expected.[59] However, the result showed that Goldwater could win in a populous northern state,[58] though a survey of newspaper publishers predicted that most of the Goldwater delegates would end up switching to the still-undecided Nixon.[60] Goldwater remained confident that he would win the nomination, but continued to feel that overcoming Nixon would be his "last hurdle".[61]

Later in April, President Johnson offered foreign policy briefings to each major presidential candidate, which Goldwater flatly rejected,[62] calling it "an offhand political gesture".[63] Goldwater also continued his criticism of the Johnson administration over missile accuracy as a Senate committee declared that missiles were reliable though advocated increased spending for a manned bombing project.[64] Goldwater also affirmed his support for increased military action in North Vietnam to cut off supply lines from China.[65]

Goldwater gained a total of three delegates after finishing in second and fourth place respectively, in the Massachusetts and Pennsylvania primaries, which were won by favorite son candidates Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. and Governor William Scranton.[66] He won an additional 16 delegates from his home state of Arizona following a convention without any debate.[67] After the gains, Goldwater was viewed as the favorite to win the nomination. As the May 15 Oregon Primary drew near, Rockefeller's campaign depended on a victory.[68] Rumors spread that former President Eisenhower wanted a more moderate choice than Goldwater, but he did not insert himself in the campaign. Likewise, the attempts to draft Nixon or Lodge appeared fruitless.[69] Senator Jacob Javits attempted to rally a movement to prevent Goldwater's nomination, but as the convention neared, the likelihood of Goldwater's nomination grew further.[70] He purchased time on network television and spoke directly to the American people during a half hour segment, highlighting his political positions. The appearance was unprecedented; no previous presidential candidate had addressed a national audience before winning his party's nomination.[71] Goldwater hoped for further episodes, but was stalled by limited campaign funds.[72] At the time, Goldwater had secured 274 delegates of the 655 needed to win the nomination, well ahead of the 61 won (all in Pennsylvania) by the second place William Scranton. Rockefeller stood at fourth, with only eight delegates.[73] Goldwater won primaries in Texas,[74] Nebraska[75] and Indiana,[76] but lost Oregon and its 18 delegates to Rockefeller. He labeled the defeat as "a victory for the radical left."[77] After the primary, Goldwater predicted that Rockefeller would join with the Lodge campaign in a last ditch effort to prevent his nomination; with focus on the June 2 California Primary. Goldwater refused to engage in what he called "personal vindictiveness and smear" and commented that Republicans should instead focus on defeating President Johnson.[78]

At the end of May, Goldwater appeared to be faltering a bit. A rally planned at the Phoenix Municipal Stadium drew only 2,000 supporters, although 8,000 were expected,[79] and the candidate came under fire for mentioning that low grade Atomic bombs could be used to expose the supply of Communists in Vietnam.[80] Meanwhile, his Florida slate was rejected by the party,[81] and Rockefeller led him 57% to 43% in California polls.[82] Goldwater rejected the legitimacy of the polls,[83] and appeared to find a glimmer of hope as Nixon and Scranton each declared neutrality for the California Primary, acknowledging the importance of party unity, and thus preventing any further proliferation of the "Stop Goldwater" movement.[84] The birth of Rockefeller's child likely reminded voters of his adultery.

Securing the nomination

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Goldwater won the California primary on June 2 with 51% of the vote, gaining the state's 86 delegates, and all but securing the nomination.[85] Immediately thereafter, he began a search for a running mate, narrowing the field to four easterners: William Scranton, Senator Thurston B. Morton of Kentucky, Congressman William E. Miller of New York, and Ohio Governor James A. Rhodes.[86] United Press International reported that an authoritative source informed them that former President Eisenhower asked Scranton to be "more available" for the presidential nomination. However, he disavowed the "Stop Goldwater movement" and later advised Scranton to not get involved "in a cabal against anyone." Moderate Republican governors felt the development effectively ended the anti-Goldwater movement, and thus secured his nomination. They then worked to convince Goldwater to soften his political stances.[87]

Goldwater mathematically secured the nomination after winning an additional 56 delegates at the Texas Republican Convention in Dallas on June 16. His address to the convention drew 11,000 people to the Dallas Memorial Auditorium, where he proclaimed that it was essential for Republicans to win in the south, after years of "writing off" the region.[88] Although Goldwater had surpassed the number of delegates needed for the Republican nomination, only 361 were bound by state law, slightly leaving the door open for a battle at the convention if his remaining 316 delegates chose to waver.[89] Scranton hoped to change their minds and took control of a semi-revived Stop Goldwater movement, campaigning nationwide and labeling Goldwater as unqualified.[90] While Scranton gained the support of Henry Cabot Lodge, who resigned his post in Vietnam to assist the campaign, Goldwater requested that Lodge give an update on the progress in Vietnam, but the former ambassador refused, saying that the war should not be a political issue.[91] Goldwater took a further hit after voting against the Civil Rights Act of 1964, questioning its constitutionality. His vote was denounced by the NAACP, who publicly voiced their opposition to Goldwater, breaking their tradition of neutrality during presidential elections.[92] But the vote helped Goldwater among southern Democrats.[93] After returning from Washington, Goldwater briefly returned to Phoenix to attend his daughter's wedding, which received a great deal of media coverage. He then traveled to the midwest and the eastern seaboard to continue to build support for his candidacy.[94] Polls from late June, showed that in a head to head match up, Republicans favored Scranton over Goldwater[90] as Scranton escalated his attacks, labeling Goldwater's policy positions as "ignorant" with the convention just twelve days away.[95]

On June 30, Goldwater received the endorsement of moderate Senator Everett Dirksen of Illinois[96] after traveling to the midwest to gain delegates.[97] Dirksen's support further deflated the Stop Goldwater movement, as the Senator had criticized Goldwater's earlier vote against the Civil Rights Act, but concluded upon further review that he was only being consistent with his views.[96] Richard Nixon followed suit and endorsed Goldwater two days later.[98]

Goldwater feared that race would become a major issue during the general election and incite violence. He refused to criticize Democrats for using his vote against the Civil Rights Act to attack him, saying that he would do the same in their position.[99] But the attacks on the vote continued. Scranton launched his toughest assault, six days ahead of the convention, calling the vote an attempt to "gain by [causing] racial unrest". Likewise, Michigan Governor George W. Romney mustered a veiled attack on Goldwater, proposing to add an amendment to the Republican platform, excluding "extremists of the right" from the party. The Goldwater campaign did not respond to the comments,[100] but the candidate affirmed that he would honor the law as president, as it reflected "the voice of the majority".[101] However, as the convention neared and with his nomination seemingly imminent, Goldwater told Der Spiegel that at this point in the campaign, he could not defeat President Johnson.[102]

Republican National Convention

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'Extremism in the defense of liberty'

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Ahead of the convention, Goldwater's headquarters for the San Francisco event were organized on the 15th floor of the Mark Hopkins Hotel. The area was equipped with television screens showing campaign workers at various spots in the hotel, and a phone system was installed that connected to officials on the convention floor at the Cow Palace to keep Goldwater abreast of the latest developments. A backup walkie-talkie system was also available for use. Press reports referred to the setup as "ultra-scientific".[103] Goldwater was nominated on the first ballot at the convention with 883 votes to 214 for Scranton.[104] During his acceptance speech, he famously paraphrased Cicero, proclaiming "extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice [and] moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue." The line was added to the speech by scholar Harry V. Jaffa,[105] and shocked moderate Republicans such as Nelson Rockefeller. Richard Nixon had hoped Goldwater would use the speech to adopt moderate positions for party unity, and believed that it instead "opened new wounds and rubbed salt in them."[106] President Eisenhower was likewise dismayed by the comment, but labeled the speech as "outstanding", and accepted Goldwater's clarification during a private meeting at the end of the convention.[107]

VP selection

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Goldwater selected Congressman William E. Miller of New York to be his running mate. Miller had recently announced his retirement from Congress and was thrilled to be picked. As the only candidate for the Vice presidential nomination, he was nearly unanimously confirmed at the convention, with three voters abstaining due to a lack of choice.[108] Miller was the first Roman Catholic chosen for a Republican Party ticket, and was relatively unknown in the United States. Although he geographically balanced the ticket as a north-easterner, Miller was a conservative in the same mold as Goldwater, and was a critic of the Eisenhower administration. Goldwater did not consult party leaders on the decision, and was impressed by Miller's purported ability to "drive Lyndon Johnson nuts". The selection further demonstrated that Goldwater was not interested in reaching out to the moderate wing of the party.[109] Eisenhower announced that he would do his best to support Goldwater-Miller, although they were not his "personal choice".[110] Moderate Senators Jacob Javits and Kenneth B. Keating each refused to support the ticket.[111]

General election

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As the general election began, Goldwater met with President Johnson and both agreed to avoid the "incitement of racial tensions" but Johnson refused to remove civil rights as a campaign issue.[112] He was later advised to deemphasize civil rights to prevent any alienation of white voters, and to portray Goldwater as a dangerous radical and a "national joke", to avoid any perception that he was a serious candidate.[113] George Wallace withdrew from the race to allow southern conservatives to unite behind Goldwater, and significantly increased Goldwater's chances of capturing the deep south.[114] But Goldwater also expected to win in New York and Pennsylvania, and hoped to organize a summit with moderate Republican leaders including Rockefeller, Nixon and Eisenhower to solidify their support. Vice presidential nominee Miller, endorsed such a meeting during his appearance on Meet the Press.[115] The campaign also announced the formation of a steering committee to organize a flexible schedule and campaign strategy,[116] and Goldwater called for a presidential debate with Johnson.[117] In the meantime, racial violence broke out in Harlem, which analysts believed would help Goldwater. He maintained a lead in only 13 states but was listed as strong in 16 others.[118] At the end of July, the security around Goldwater was heightened due to reports of an assassination plot. He went on a vacation,[119] but was cut short after he was notified of heightened military action against the North Vietnamese following an attack on U.S. warship. Goldwater declared his support for President Johnson's decision to strike the bases for the attacking boats.[120]

At the beginning of August, Goldwater wrote a letter to former Vice President Richard Nixon, further explaining his comment about extremism during the convention. He then held a meeting with Republican congressman in Hersey, Pennsylvania, announcing that he would formally open his general election campaign on September 4, and asked for their advice on defeating President Johnson. Among the attendees was Senator Kenneth Keating who had earlier declared he would not support the Goldwater ticket. Although he did not announce his support immediately after the meeting, members of the Goldwater campaign were confident that he eventually would.[121] A few days later Goldwater gave a public speech denouncing extremism, and announced that he would frame his foreign policy based on the Eisenhower administration, explaining that he would consult with both Eisenhower and Nixon before filling national security posts.[122] Shortly after the speech, Eisenhower gave his full support for the ticket.[123] A few days later, Goldwater delivered a major foreign policy speech in Cleveland where he accused the Johnson administration of negotiating with the Communists in Vietnam.[124] But just as he predicted, the Johnson campaign soon began to portray Goldwater as "trigger-happy" and not responsible enough to handle the nation's nuclear arsenal.[125] The administration flatly denied that any negotiation had occurred with the Communists, and Johnson himself denounced a claim from Goldwater that during the recent Gulf of Tonkin Incident that he gave military leaders the authorization to use nuclear weapons. Johnson labeled Goldwater's interpretation of his orders for navy commanders to use "any weapons" as needed, as unreasonable. Defense Secretary McNamara labeled Goldwater's comments as "unjustified and unreasonable", but Goldwater stood by his remarks. When asked what he himself would do as president, Goldwater proposed to attack the Chinese supply lines, but declared that he would ask his Joint Chiefs of Staff before making any military decision.[126] He proposed a military philosophy of "peace through preparedness".[127] Later in the month, the Johnson administration offered military briefs to Goldwater, which he rejected, claiming that it would force him to be silent on certain military issues. He then accused McNamara of revealing secret information that Goldwater had agreed to not discuss, in order to help Johnson's campaign.[128] Around this time, both campaigns were approached by NBC which proposed a debate format that would feature separate interview segments with both Goldwater and Johnson. Goldwater called for a face to face debate instead, and volunteered to pay for time on the major television networks.[129] But this was denied after Congress tabled a bill that would momentarily suspend the Communications Act to allow such a debate.[130] He then discussed social security, and remarked that he would favor an increase in benefits, but rejected a proposal from Johnson that would add Medicare to the program. He warned that this would bankrupt Social Security. Goldwater hoped the remarks would end misconceptions of his views of the program spawned from the bitter primary battle with Rockefeller and Scranton.[131] An NBC poll of likely voters placed Goldwater at 28%, trailing Johnson by nearly 30 percentage points.[132]

At the Democratic National Convention in late August, Johnson selected Senator Hubert Humphrey as his running mate. Goldwater praised the decision, referring to Humphrey as a friend and remarking that the decision displayed the difference between the two parties since "Hubert...is very articulate and expresses the liberal point better than anyone in the Senate. His philosophy is that of Americans for Democratic Action, which proposes bigger and bigger government."[133] During his convention speech, Johnson labeled the policies of Goldwater as "threatening", which could possibly undo the "solid foundation for our present prosperity".[134] Goldwater criticized the speech as "isolationist" for failing to address foreign policy,[135] and as a withdrawal from international leadership. At the end of the month he went on a final vacation before the election, and noted that he would emphasize foreign policy in the final two months.[136] His running mate, William Miller briefly discussed civil rights during a stop in New York. He maintained that the Goldwater campaign would not turn it into an issue to prevent violence, but argued that if Johnson's campaign brought it up, Goldwater would have no problem discussing it.[137] Miller also attacked Johnson's military record, claiming that the president left the military before seeing any shooting action during World War II.[138]

In early September, Goldwater set off on his first campaign tour of the general election, and announced his plans to eliminate the military draft.[139] He began in Los Angeles, and put forth a proposal for a 5% income tax cut for Americans coupled with a reduction in government spending. He criticized Johnson's three goals of "prosperity, justice and peace" for failing to list freedom, noting that "there have been prosperous slaves...justice can be found in a prison and...tyranny can bring peace to anyone who will surrender."[140] At this point in the campaign, the back and forth between Goldwater and the Johnson administration over nuclear weapons escalated. After Goldwater explained to a group of veterans that small nuclear weapons were "no more powerful than the firepower you faced on the battlefield", Defense Secretary McNamara condemned the statements as "dangerously misleading".[141] Johnson also rehashed the words of Scranton from the primary campaign that labeled Goldwater as an extremist, though Scranton had publicly endorsed Goldwater and was campaigned for him in Pennsylvania.[142] Goldwater campaigned in the northwest, and gave a speech in Seattle where he predicted that Democrats would initiate a crisis, likely in Cuba, ahead of the election to increase their chances of an electoral victory.[143]

Goldwater spoke in Minneapolis, and philosophically proclaimed that increases in the legislation of morality in the federal government has incited violence and hatred, leading Democratic Vice Presidential nominee Hubert Humphrey to claim he was equating the Civil Rights bill with racial violence. William Miller defended Goldwater's statement during an interview on Meet the Press explaining that tensions could not be eliminated by legislation alone. He reminded the audience that Goldwater promised to enforce the Civil Rights bill as president. The next week, Miller was sent to campaign in Texas and the Midwest, while Goldwater embarked on a tour of the south.[144] He was accompanied by the popular Senator Strom Thurmond of South Carolina, for several events in the South.[145] During one stop in Shreveport, Goldwater and Thurmond encountered a crowd of 30,000 supporters at the local airport. Thurmond remarked during the gathering that he was more comfortable as a "Goldwater Republican" than a Democrat because "in your heart you know he's right"; repeating a common campaign slogan. Goldwater's favorability remained high in the largely-Democratic South, due in part to his conservative views that appealed to white voters, dubbed as Goldwater Democrats, who opposed the "welfare state" policies of the Johnson administration.[146] [147] He returned to the north and Midwest at the end of September[148] after a half hour program aired that featured a discussion with former President Eisenhower at his Pennsylvania residence. On the campaign trail, Goldwater portrayed Johnson as weak on Commnism, arguing that the administration had a "wishbone" rather than a "backbone",[149] and began to accuse the White House of corruption. During an event in Boston, he praised the late President Kennedy as a "close friend in the Senate", whom he respected despite their disagreements, but charged that his successor was not doing enough to eliminate corruption, citing the allegations over financial deals and kickbacks connected to former Secretary to the Senate Majority Bobby Baker.[148] Johnson responded to Goldwater's attacks by referring to him as the "new and frightening voice of the Republican party".[150]

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A Time for Choosing

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"We will keep in mind and remember that Barry Goldwater has faith in us. He has faith that you and I have the ability and the dignity and the right to make our own decisions and determine our own destiny"

In early October, Goldwater began a speaking tour of the west as his running mate headed to North Carolina as part of a south and mid-west venture.[151] In California, he proclaimed that on election day there would be a choice between "peace for strength" and "war for weakness".[152] He continued to level criticism against Johnson on the "government immorality" issue, for his connections to Bobby Baker. Goldwater hypothesized that the case was hurting his poll numbers,[153] though polls showed Johnson leading in all states except for Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana.[151] After news broke that Johnson's aide Walter Jenkins had been found engaging in disorderly conduct with another man at a YMCA washroom,[154] Goldwater decided at a staff meeting in Texas to make no comment on the matter nor turn it into a campaign issue as part of his government immorality theme.[155] Shortly thereafter, two major foreign events occurred that overshadowed Jenkins, including the deposition of Nikita Khrushchev as Premier of the Soviet Union and the testing of nuclear weapons in China. As for the latter issue, Representative Miller commented that it showed that Goldwater's vision of a foreign policy of strength was the correct path and that it would provide a boost in the election.[156] On Khrushchev, as President Johnson addressed the nation, Goldwater requested time for rebuttal. He was denied by all three networks, leading the Republican National Committee to purchase time on ABC for a October 21 broadcast of Goldwater's views on the issue.[157] In the recording, he remarked that the removal of Khrushchev actually heightened the communist threat to the United States because it allowed a rejuvenation of ties between the Soviet Union and China. He labeled the Johnson administration's approach to the issue as "an utter failure" because it distinguished between "good" and "bad" communists, which allowed them to strengthen.[158]

At this time, polls seemed to indicate an imminent Johnson victory. Goldwater's campaign began to hope that either the polls were wrong or that an uprising would occur among American voters concerned about the direction of the nation. Believing that such an outcome was out of his hands, Goldwater did not change the pace of his campaign.[159] He continued the ethics theme as he campaigned in Pennsylvania, praising the recently deceased former President Herbert Hoover as a man of morals whose administration lacked any scandal.Cite error: A <ref> tag is missing the closing </ref> (see the help page). However, the the campaign did air a half hour speech delivered by actor and former Democratic Party member Ronald Reagan on why he chose to support Goldwater. The speech, entitled "A Time for Choosing" first aired on October 27 and was repeated several times before the election. In it, Reagan denounced big government and the "welfare state" and popularized the slogan "peace through strength" in his assessment of Goldwater's proposed foreign policy.[160] The speech raised $1 million for the Goldwater campaign and was credited with launching Reagan into the national spotlight as a "conservative hero".[161]

In the final week of campaigning, after a swing across the west, he addressed a Los Angeles crowd and emphasized the need to strengthen the military to prevent an outbreak of World War III, cautioning particularly of the escalating situation in Vietnam.[162] Around this time, Goldwater's plan for ending the war in Vietnam was published in the Hollywood Citizen News. He advocated stern warnings to China to end intervention and supported strategic bombing of supply routes to force the communists to surrender.[163]

http://news.google.com/newspapers?id=twsjAAAAIBAJ&sjid=jc0FAAAAIBAJ&pg=1265,5635994&dq=barry-goldwater&hl=en - Overview

Heckling:

Results

[edit]

Aftermath

[edit]

Four years after the election, Goldwater returned to the Senate and was re-elected twice in 1974 and 1980.[1] He became an influential member of the party's conservative wing, serving as chairman of the Select Committee on Intelligence and the Committee on Armed Services.[1] He grew libertarian as he reached the end of his career,[164] and chose to retire from the Senate in 1987.[1] He was succeeded by John McCain, who praised his predecessor as the man who "transformed the Republican Party from an Eastern elitist organization to the breeding ground for the election of Ronald Reagan."[164] Goldwater strongly supported the 1980 presidential campaign of Reagan, who became the face of the conservative movement after his Time for Choosing speech. He reflected many of the principles of Goldwater's earlier run in his campaign. Washington Post columnist George Will took note of this, writing, "We...who voted for him in 1964 believe he won, it just took 16 years to count the votes."[165]

After leaving the Senate, Goldwater's views cemented as libertarian. He began to criticize the "moneymaking ventures by fellows like Pat Robertson and others [in the Republican Party] who are trying to...make a religious organization out of it." He lobbied for gays to serve openly in the military, opposed the Clinton administration's plan for health care reform,[164] and supported abortion rights[166] and the legalization of the medicinal marijuana.[167]

In 1997, Goldwater was revealed to be in the early stages of Alzheimer's disease. He died in 1998 at the age of 89.[2]

Endorsements

[edit]

References

[edit]
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Bibliography

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