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User:Ttocserp/Malaria in the River Thames

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Ague & fever (Thomas Rowlandson, hand-coloured etching)

Malaria was a common affliction beside the River Thames in the early modern era, including not only its estuary but central London. It was frequently lethal. It did not die out until the end of the Victorian era. Why it did so is rather unclear.

Thames marshes

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A. atroparvus, vector[1] of malaria in the Thames (Wellcome)
Opium poppies were cultivated in the marshes (Marianne North Gallery)

Malaria was commonplace in the Thames[2] marshes, including London, and was called "ague" or "marsh fever". While not all agues were caused by malaria, most[3] scholars believe true malaria — the protozoan infection — was indeed present. Descriptions in early 19th century textbooks leave little doubt, since "they invariably refer to noncontagious transmission, distinctive cold, hot, and sweating stages, tertian onset of symptoms, cycling relapses, anemia, splenomegaly or 'ague cake' [an enlarged spleen], and susceptibility to quinine".[4] It was mainly transmitted by the mosquito Anopheles atroparvus,[5]Cite error: A <ref> tag is missing the closing </ref> (see the help page). It was so bad that most clergymen refused to reside in their parishes, where these were near the marshes.[6]

Introduction of the disease to Britain

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Possibly malaria was introduced by the Roman invaders;[7] evidence from skeletons suggests the disease was present in Anglo-Saxon England.[8]

Endemicity

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It was anyway rife by the 16th century,[9][3] though the climate (the "Little Ice Age") was colder than today.[10] James I and Oliver Cromwell were thought to have died of it, and it was prevalent in London before and after the Great Fire.[11] Mary Dobson said that

in the low-lying parishes bordering the River Thames and the River Medway ... burial rates were three or four times as high as those of the healthiest downland communities".[12]

Writing around 1800, Edward Hasted noted

it is not unusual to see a poor man, his wife, and whole family of five or six children, hovering over their fire in their hovel, shaking with an ague all at the same time".[13]

The heavy use of opium (often consumed as poppy-head tea)[14] and alcohol to fight the fever was commonplace.[15] Later, the disease was combated with quinine; that this treatment was effective tends to confirm it was malaria, and not some unrelated malady.[16]

London

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At Guy's Hospital they frequently received ague cases from the Thames marshes, William Gull told the House of Commons in 1854. About a half came from Woolwich and Erith, but cases also came from Wapping and Shadwell, and along the river from Bermondsey and Lambeth and even Westminster. (At that time it was believed the disease came from breathing bad air — mal-aria — arising from marshes. Gull recommended the marshes should be drained.)[17]

Disappearance

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Plasmodium vivax, cause of malaria in the Thames

By the end of the Victorian era indigenous malaria had nearly disappeared from England,[18] but a few cases survived into the 20th century enabling the disease to be positively identified by blood tests. It was probably caused by the protozoan parasite Plasmodium vivax.[19][7]

While the draining of the Thames marshes did not, by itself, eradicate malaria — in places the mosquito still abounds [20] — it may have been a contributory cause.[21] Why it did disappear is complex and uncertain.[22] The mosquito prefers to take blood from livestock; increasing livestock densities (brought about by the introduction of root crops such as winter fodder)[23] may have diverted biting from humans to domestic animals. Other factors may have included better housing, health care, sanitation and hygiene (by helping to reduce transmission rates),[4] smaller rural populations as manual labor was replaced by machinery, and better insulation of houses in winter.[23]

Global warming and British malaria

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In 2002 the Chief Medical Officer predicted that by 2050 the British climate might so warm that indigenous malaria would be re-established. However a paper by Kuhn et al in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, examining historical data, disagreed. Temperature and rainfall were just two factors tending to increase transmissibility of malaria, but wetland acreage and cattle population were more important. The projected climate change, by itself, was "clearly insufficient".[24]

Notes and references

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  1. ^ The illustration shows the male mosquito; the parasite is transmitted by the bite of the female.
  2. ^ And other marshes in Kent and East Anglia.
  3. ^ a b Bankoff 2018, p. 477.
  4. ^ a b Kuhn et al 2003, p. 9997.
  5. ^ Dobson 1980, pp. 383–4, 386, 376–7.
  6. ^ Reiter 2000, p. 4.
  7. ^ a b Bankoff 2018, p. 476.
  8. ^ Gowland & Western 2012, pp. 301, 307, 309. "Malaria does not result in unequivocal pathological lesions in the human skeleton; however, it results in hemolytic anemia, which can contribute to the skeletal condition cribra orbitalia". Gowland and Western found a correlation between cribra orbitalia and marsh-district cemeteries of Anglo-Saxon England.
  9. ^ Dobson 1980, p. 382.
  10. ^ Reiter 2000, p. 1.
  11. ^ Bankoff 2018, p. 479.
  12. ^ Dobson 1980, p. 257.
  13. ^ Dobson 1980, p. 366.
  14. ^ Bankoff 2018, p. 487.
  15. ^ Dobson 1980, p. 370.
  16. ^ Dobson 1980, pp. 374, 384.
  17. ^ Gull 1854, p. 379.
  18. ^ Bankoff 2018, p. 482.
  19. ^ Dobson 1980, p. 384.
  20. ^ Dobson 1980, p. 385.
  21. ^ Bankoff 2018, p. 486.
  22. ^ Dobson 1980, pp. 382–9.
  23. ^ a b Reiter 2000, p. 9.
  24. ^ Kuhn et al 2003.

Sources

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  • Bankoff, Greg (2018). "Malaria, Water Management, and Identity in the English Lowlands". Environmental History. 23 (3): 470–494. doi:10.1093/envhis/emx137.
  • Gowland, G.L.; Western, A.G. (2012). "Morbidity in the Marshes: Using Spatial Epidemiology to Investigate Skeletal Evidence for Malaria in Anglo-Saxon England (AD 410–1050)". American Journal of Physical Anthropology. 147 (2): 301–311. doi:10.1002/ajpa.21648. PMID 22183814.
  • Kuhn, K.G.; Canpbell-Lendrum, D.H.; Armstrong, B.; Davies, C.R. (2003). "Malaria in Britain: past, present, and future". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 100 (17): 9997–10001. doi:10.1073/pnas.1233687100.
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