User:Seborpl
Wiele aspektów kultury młodych (bardziej sprecyzować o co nam tutaj chodzi) nie może być dzisiaj dobrze zrozumianych tylko w kontekście świata „online” lub tylko w kontekście „świata off-line” ponieważ doświadczenia pojawiające się w obu rodzajach światów stanowią nierozerwalną całość i wzajemnie się przenikają. Patrzenie jednocześnie na internet i na to, co dzieje się poza nim pozwala na bardziej „pogłębione” spojrzenie, jeśli chodzi o sposoby wyrażania postaw, relacji i zjawisk, które najbardziej dotykają młodych. Ich proaktywność wyraża się tak samo silnie w sieci, jak poza nią. Łączenie zbierania danych zarówno w sieci, jak w świecie „realnym” pozwala na systematyczną obserwację rozwijającej się komunikacji i w konsekwencji na uchwycenie momentów pojawiania się i rozwoju nowych trendów i mód.
There were several instance where my work online and offline was complementary. The following set of examples drawn from my research is evidence of this: Information gleaned from reading newsgroup discussions and debates in the local rave scene provided a basis form which to develop early „sensitizing cocnepts”. These experiences and early ‘mini-hyptheses’informed the development of interview idenified concepts. Przez to badacz zyskuje dużo większą orientację i wiedzę na temat świata badanych niż idąc „goly i wesoły” na wywiad. The local newsgroup was a forum through which I recruited interviewes for both offline and online interviews. [Weryfikacja wypowiedzi na forach podczas wywiadu (szczególnie jeśli chodzi o grupy związane z subkulturami)] rekrutacja wykorzystująca metodę tzw. „dwóch maili” aby zyskać jeszcze większą wiarygodność i zaufanie potencjalnych badanych. -> - the first letter was a short summary of who I was, the nature of my involement on the newsgroups, the reason for the research, and my interest in interviewing ravers. - the second letter I provided greater detail about my self and the rsearch. I received several responses from intersted raves. Perhaps surprisngly, there was no online negative response to the rsearch request. The newsgroup was an exellent inormation source about upcoming events (i.e, online and offline events). My research schedue was heavily influenced by the daily information I received.
Wycinki z tekstu J. Patrick Williams „Authentic Identities: Straightedge Subculture, Music, and the Internet”
“[t]he final point of a virtual world is to dissolve the constraints of the anchored world so that we can lift anchor—not to drift aimlessly without point, but to explore anchorage in ever new places” (Heim 1993, 137) Indeed, research has shown that many internet users are not withdrawing from social interaction (Nie 2001), but are actively seeking it (Rheingold 2000;Wellman et al. 2001). Bromberg (1996) agrees when she writes that cyberspace is “a medium in which and with which some individuals seek meaning”. Virtual spaces thus become analogous to virtual conduits, connecting individuals from diverse locations and facilitating the growth of meaningful communities and identities. Virtual spaces thus become analogous to virtual conduits, connecting individuals from diverse locations and facilitating the growth of meaningful communities and identities. Researchers have for some time studied how internet users express aspects of self in computer-mediated contexts. Turkle (1995), for example, studied how individuals develop, through online personae, new understandings of their personal identities. Viewing cyberspace as sites of psychological moratoria, Turkle described cyberspaces as social spaces where individuals can try out different roles, identities, and ways of acting. Most people are concerned with how others perceive them, as Goffman (1959, 1963) so thoroughly demonstrated in his studies of the presentation of self.
I approached the internet forum from an ethnographic standpoint. My initial interest was in answering the question “What is going on here?” However, after only a day or two casually reading posts, I realized that the internet functioned as a key source of conflict among various participants in the forum. At that moment, my focus became more analytic (Snow, Morrill, and Anderson 2003) as my interest in exploring the role that the internet played in subcultural interaction and identification developed. I collected data using two methodological strategies that Bainbridge (2000, 57) calls “observation ethnography” and “informant ethnography.” I conducted content analysis of forum threads without focused interaction with participants. During the observation ethnographic phase, I analyzed the first message of every thread posted in the forum between February 2001 and September 2001 (n = 285) using interpretive and ethnographic content analysis methods (Altheide 1996) and the QSR Nvivo software package. It was during my analysis of these early posts that I noticed that straightedgers were arguing among themselves about who was and was not “really” straightedge. Therefore, using individual posts as the unit of analysis, I began coding posts using a grounded theory method (Charmaz 2000). Informed by an initial set of topical codes, I began to develop coding schema to categorize my initial understandings of what was theoretically and empirically significant. Altheide, D. L. 1996. Qualitative media analysis. Qualitative research methods 38. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Charmaz, K. 2000. Grounded theory: Objectivist and constructivist methods. In The handbook of qualitative research, 2nd ed., edited by N. K. Denzin andY. S. Lincoln, 509-35. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Wycinki z tekstu J. Patrick Williams „Authentic Identities: Straightedge Subculture, Music, and the Internet”, c.d. o zastosowanej metodologii
My second strategy, informant ethnography,was more interactive. Here, I used the themes that emerged during my initial coding phase (for example, patterns of affiliation, authenticity claims, and mechanisms of boundary maintenance) to start “focused discussions”—new thread topics for the participants to respond to. I started threads that asked participants about their affiliation with straightedge, their understandings of subcultural rules, their opinions about mainstream culture, and so on. By monitoring the threads daily, I could guide conversations, bring them back on track when participants strayed off topic, and ask follow-up questions based on initial responses. The focused discussions I developed over two years—from 2001 to 2003— resulted in nearly 1,000 posts, which I analyzed in the same way as previous, nonsolicited posts, that is, further developing my coding schema through constant comparison of forum data. In addition, I continued to monitor other threads in the forum. My analysis below includes data from my focused discussions and from several other threads that were relevant to my research interests. During the informant ethnographic phase, I also interviewed nine key informants in order to gain clarification on the meaning of subcultural forms and activities. I selected key informants according to their level of participation (measured by total number of posts), the extent to which I noticed their participation in specific threads, or the opinions they expressed. I interviewed the web site’s owner/administrator, individuals who posted regularly over a long period, as well as some people who posted frequently for a short time before quitting. I made sure to include participants who identified themselves as members of face-to-face music straightedge scenes and members who identified themselves as being totally reliant on the internet for straightedge-related interactions. Interviews lasted between 90 and 180 minutes, and all took place online using either an instant-messaging or internetrelay- chat program, both of which are popular among young internet users. I developed the interview schedule from the themes that emerged
Wycinki z tekstu J. Patrick Williams „Authentic Identities: Straightedge Subculture, Music, and the Internet”, c.d. o zastosowanej metodologii
Throughout the research project, several significant codes emerged, including affiliation (how individuals affiliated with the subculture), authenticity (instances where “real” or “fake” straightedge identity was discussed), rules (the normative structure of the subculture), and boundaries (the cleavages and distinctions between the so-called mainstream and the subculture). In the remainder of this article, I focus in particular on the first two codes— affiliation and authenticity—and how they function together to illuminate the internet’s role in subcultural change. Bardzo ważny fragment o aspektach etycznych badań – strona 182
Wycinki z tekstu J. Patrick Williams „Authentic Identities: Straightedge Subculture, Music, and the Internet”, c.d. pojęcia Subcultural theorists and subculturalists alike use the term scene “to signify some kind of . . . located and subcultural space” (Bennett and Kahn- Harris 2004, 13). According to Straw (1991, 379), scenes “actualize a particular state of relations between various populations and social groups, as these coalesce around specific coalitions of musical style.” People who regularly come together to consume music—in clubs, at parties, even through sharing purchased CDs—constitute a local scene. These scenes exist, in symbolic interactionist terms, as idiocultural manifestations of a larger subculture (Fine 1979). Current research conceptualizes multiple types of scenes, from local to translocal to virtual (Bennett and Peterson 2004). Each type functions as a “framework that encompasses . . . material specificities of [such things as] global place building [and] urban experience” (Marchessault and Straw 2001, 5). Additionally, all three types share common denominators: shared space, a shared sense of purpose, and a shared sense of identity.
Wycinki z tekstu J. Patrick Williams „Authentic Identities: Straightedge Subculture, Music, and the Internet”, c.d. komentarz
Following Thornton (1995), we can see that media, including the internet, “are integral to the formation of subcultures, playing a significant role in both their origin as well as prolonging their lifecycle. The media exist as systems of communication critical to the circulation of ideas, images, sounds and ideologies that bind culture(s) together. . . . Some media legitimate while others popularize, some preserve the esoteric while others are seen to sell out” (Stahl 2004, 31). Understanding how the internet functions within youth subcultural formations therefore depends on how we conceptualize it. In symbolic interactionist terms, it is a social object to which different people
Wycinki z tekstu J. Patrick Williams „Authentic Identities: Straightedge Subculture, Music, and the Internet”, c.d. komentarz
attribute different (sets of) meanings. For participants of face-to-face subcultural scenes, the internet may be an information and communication medium in the strictest sense—it gets used primarily to communicate information about the face-to-face world (Hodkinson 2002). For individuals who do not participate in face-to-face scenes, however, the internet is more than a medium; it is a social space through which personal and social identities are constructed, given meaning, and shared through the ritual of computer-mediated interaction. From this perspective, “communication becomes a powerful tool that organizes individual desires and dreams of belonging by representing a certain range of experiences, thereby offering the possibility for deep, affective investment” (Stahl 2004, 36).