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A satellite photo of the African continent. Pre-existing lead section with my edits.
African feminism is a branch of feminism innovated by African women that specifically addresses the living conditions, historical context, and needs of continental African women (African women who reside on the African continent). African feminism includes many strains of its own, including Motherism, Femalism, Snail-sense Feminism, Womanism/women palavering, Nego-feminism, and African Womanism. Because Africa is not a monolith, none of these feminisms is universally reflective of the range of experiences African women have. Some of the feminisms are specific to particular groups of African women. African feminism is sometimes aligned, in dialogue, or in conflict with Black Feminism or African womanism (which is perceived as by and for African women in the diaspora, rather than African women on or recently from the continent) as well as other feminisms and feminist movements, including nationally based ones, such as Feminism in the United States, feminism in Sweden, feminism in India, feminism in Mexico, feminism in Japan, feminism in Germany, feminism in South Africa, and so on. African women have been engaged in gender struggle since long before the existence of the western-inspired label "African feminism," and this history is often neglected.
This is my addition to a preexisting section on the actual African feminism page
Awa Thiam
Initially, many African men and women distrusted feminism.[1] They considered it just another exploitative colonial framework from the west. In fact, many women who have fought for gender equity in Africa have never called themselves feminists. For some African women, attitudes towards feminism became more accepting over time.[1] For instance, Ghanaian writer Ama Ata Aidoo initially believed that feminism would only harm African home and family life, but she demonstrated a more positive stance on feminism in her 1991 novel Changes.[1] Others, like Buchi Emecheta, Molara Ogundipe, Micere Githae Mugo, Amina Mama, and Obioma Nnaemeka, accepted some feminist values while also making clear their reservations regarding feminism in the African context.[1] Ultimately, discourse among prominent female theorists and writers from the continent decisively concludes that any African feminism must address specific historical and cultural conditions in Africa in order to provide value. Specifically, any brand of African feminism must address what Awa Thiam calls multiple jeopardy: many African women deal with patriarchal oppression on account of their sex, capitalist exploitation on account of their socioeconomic class, and colonialism on account of their race and geographic location in the global south.[2]
Certainly, these conversations proved the need for a set of African gender theories as diverse as the continent itself. But the argument that a brand of African feminism is specifically needed may be an issue of terminology biased by western perspectives. It is a misconception that African women do not have a long history of mobilization around gender issues.[1] This history may not fall under the label umbrella of feminism, but it does include diverse gender struggles that are adjacent if not similar to the ones that western feminism hopes to combat.[1] In many ways, the term "African feminism" is incongruous with the fight to attain gender equity amidst challenges specific to various parts of Africa.[1] The case of Africa reminds us that feminism is not one-size-fits-all, and that western feminist ideologies do not always apply, whether in name or in concept.
not my writing - this feels incomplete and I will do my best to add to it. African feminist theories don't just come from West Africa / Nigeria
African feminisms address cultural issues that they feel pertain to the complex experiences faced by all women of all cultures on the African continent. In regards to feminist theorizing, many of the authors of such theories originate from West Africa and Nigeria in particular.
In her article, "West African Feminisms and Their Challenges", Naomi Nkealah discusses the various forms of African feminisms. First, she points to womanism, which she argues is not part of African feminism, as it pertains to African women of the diaspora and not continental African women. Second, she looks at stiwanism, which, on the contrary, places African women at the center of the discourse because stiwanism is deeply rooted in the experiences and realities African women face. Third, she looks at Motherism, a maternal form of feminism that sees rural women as performing the necessary task of nurturing society. Fourth, she looks at femalism, which puts the woman's body at the center of feminist conversations. Finally, she looks at nego-feminism and snail-sense feminism, which urge the inclusion of men in discussions and advocacy for feminism and both argue that the inclusion of men is necessary to the freedom of women.
These modes of feminisms share several commonalities. First, they all challenge the term "feminism," both its Western term and roots, because they bring to the forefront the experiences of the African woman. Second, because they are dependent on indigenous blueprints, they take from the histories and cultures of African peoples in order to create the necessary tools needed to embolden women and educate men. Third, they incorporate "gender inclusion, collaboration, and accommodation to ensure that both women and men contribute (even if not equally) to improving the material conditions of women."
my addition - this also needs to be fleshed out more, but this idea is a starting point
Islamic feminism also bears relevance to the development of African feminist theories.[3] Because Islam is a dominant religion in many African regions, African feminism must take into account the particular ideological complexities and patriarchal structures that may accompany its practice.
Note: this section provides individual examples, not a comprehensive analysis, of different manifestations of African feminism. Similar to African feminism, Nigerian feminism, Kenyan feminism, South African feminism, Botswanan feminism, and Rwandan feminism are all movements as diverse as the countries from which they emerged. This section should not be interpreted as providing a holistic view of feminist theory in any of the countries specified below. Rather, each subheading gives a brief snapshot of certain aspects of those feminist movements.
The experiences of women in Kenya are not monolithic, but incredibly diverse. The same principle applies to Kenyan feminism. Therefore, this section does not exist to suggest that all Kenyan feminist movements are categorically the same. Rather, it provides an umbrella structure to organize information about vastly different Kenyan feminist movements.
In Kenya, the Green Belt Movement has been a prominent ecofeminist movement since 1977, when it was founded by activist Wangari Maathai.[4] This movement centers planting trees and protecting the environment while also empowering Kenyan women. The Green Belt Movement emerged because women in rural Kenya were among the first to experience the adverse effects of Climate change.[5] The movement believes that the wellbeing of women in Kenya and similar African countries must be inextricably linked to the preservation of the environment. In other words, there can be no gender justice for many African women without climate justice.[5] By 2000, this grassroots organization had expanded its mission to include pro-democracy work.[4]
Since the global rise of social media, Kenyan feminists have adapted their tactics in order to take advantage of powerful new platforms.[6] One prominent example of this trend has been organized campaigns in response to sexual violence against Kenyan women. For instance, the #JusticeForLiz movement emerged in 2013 after a sixteen-year-old girl named Liz was gang-raped while walking home from her grandfather's funeral in Butula County, Kenya.[6] Instead of facing real legal consequences, the suspected perpetrators were sentenced to mild manual labor at the local police station. This lack of legal justice in the wake of a horrific attack triggered protests in Nairobi. Outrage spread like wildfire online via the #JusticeForLiz. Similar online feminist justice communities emerged in the wake of two other acts of violence against Kenyan girls: #JusticeForKhadija and #JusticeForFatuma.[6] In a society which has historically cast aside issues of women's rights in traditional media forms, social media has given a platform for women's stories and voices.
Kenyan feminists again took to social media in the lead-up to the 2017 election.[6] This time, they rallied around the campaign #WeAre52, which advocated for a rule mandating that no governing body be composed of more than two-thirds members of a single gender.[6] Via social media, Kenyan feminists bypassed traditional media outlets and joined the political conversation, a space from which Kenyan women have been historically excluded.
In Kenya, feminism is often met with hostility both in physical and digital spaces. Women's rights activists in Kenya are often targets of violent threats and hateful speech. The ability of Kenyan feminism to persist and even thrive despite such attacks demonstrates great resilience.
In South Africa, feminism has always been interwoven with issues of race. This trend has been analyzed and called to attention in the "difference debate," which refers to interactions between black and white gender activists.[7] Historically, the voices of white women have dominated the South African feminist discourse, marginalizing black voices. This was particularly noted as a concern by black feminists in attendance at the Women and Gender in Southern Africa Conference held in January 1991.[7] The difference debate disrupted the white feminist ideology which dominated the 1990s: non-racialism. Non-racialism overlooks the role of race. This framework posits that since South African men and women have such different experiences, gender, not race, must be the category which organizes society and activism. The difference debate brought into focus questions regarding not only race, but also socioeconomic class, ethnicity, and sexual orientation. The difference debate framework acknowledges that South African women are "simultaneously classed, raced, and gendered."[7] Today, this perspective is often referred to in international contexts as the Triple oppression model. In recent years, post-structuralist theoretical frameworks tend to dominate the South African feminist discourse, leaving room for multiple identity standpoints and subjectivity. Even still, South African feminism continues to witness and combat racism.[7]
Botswana provides yet another case in which Western feminism falls short within an African context. Regarding the tendency of Western feminism to universalize the experiences of all women, Botswanan scholar-activist Alice Mogwe writes: "Sisterhood may be global in some respects, but only if the differences are acknowledged as being essential to the experiences of women."[8] Mogwe argues that the donor-aid economic development model which dominates Botswana and much of the Global South pushes women towards increasing marginalization.[8] Within such a society, only paid labor is valued and exploitation is the norm. These trends, although particularly detrimental to Botswanan women, harm Black and Indigenous people of all genders. As a counterbalance, the Botswanan feminist agenda must prioritize general human rights. For Mogwe, it is critical that Indigenous perspectives and colonial histories are taken into account.[8] By fulfilling these objectives, a Botswanan feminist theory can succeed where Western feminism continually fails.
The history of Rwanda includes ethnic divisions, genocide, and patriarchal domination. Rwandan feminism has overcome each of these obstacles to become a powerful national movement. Rwandan feminism faces a practical challenge: how to unite the efforts of a small subset of the elite who consider themselves feminists and the vast majority of non-feminist elites and women at the grassroots level.[9] Furthermore, there is the issue of reconciliation between Hutu and Tutsi women in the aftermath of a history fraught with violence. In the wake of the Rwandan genocide, women organized to provide services that would aid other Rwandan women, including cooperatives to assist survivors of sexual violence, refugees, orphans, and widows. These women sought to politically and economically empower women while rebuilding the nation. One such organization of Rwandan women is Pro-Femmes Twese Hamwe (Pro-Women All Together), which is composed to thirty-five different women's collectives.[9] Generally, Rwandan feminism tends to be action-oriented. Rwandan feminism views power in relative terms; as constantly negotiated and re-negotiated.[9] Various Rwandan feminist theories and movements often prioritize compromise, power-sharing, and inclusivity.[9] Women play important roles in all aspects of political, economic, and social life in Rwanda.
In the late 1990s, many Rwandan women began to embrace third wave feminism. This feminist theory prioritizes identity and difference, with an emphasis on diversity and change.[9] In Rwanda, third wave feminism is particularly associated with efforts to help widows and survivors of sexual violence that occurred during the Rwandan genocide. For instance, Avega Agahozo is one large women's organization dedicated to helping survivors.[9]
Many women who have worked towards peace and healing in Rwanda have embraced certain elements of difference feminism. Difference feminism acknowledges that there are ontological differences between men and women, but stresses the equality of the sexes.[9] In accordance with the paradigm of difference feminist theory, many Rwandan women have organized their activism to prioritized perceived female strengths like caretaking, connection, and anti-violence.
