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I have thought of three improvements of Shamanism#Ecological aspect:

  1. The explanations can be extended and verbatim quotations can be presented. The section is based Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff's works, see references.
  2. Although I cannot check personally the fieldwork done by Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff, but there is a possibility to compare his work with other fieldworks done among Tukano people. I think of the books of an author pair Hugh-Jones.[1][2] (It can be a problem that the author pair had already to face with deteriorating of traditional culture. I have not read these two books yet, just seen a mentioning about them (and a very positive critic) by Edmund Leach.[3]
  3. I admit, at least one critic should be added. I think of The Golden Age That Never Was thought of Jared Diamond.[4][5]

This ecologist-aspect of shaman seems to be mentioned also by other authors,[6][7] but I admit the given details are not large enough to explain them in a thoroughly convincing manner. Thus Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff remains my primary reference, and Jared Diamond seems to be a primary critic.

An exception to this may be a new article, but I must study yet carefully.[8]

Ecological aspect

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In tropical rainforests, resources for human consumption are easily depletable. In some rainforest cultures, such as the Tucano, a sophisticated system exists for the management of resources, and for avoiding the depletion of these resources through overhunting. This system is conceptualized in a mythological context, involving symbolism and, in some cases, the belief that the breaking of hunting restrictions may cause illness. As the primary teacher of tribal symbolism, the shaman may have a leading role in this ecological management, actively restricting hunting and fishing. The shaman is able to “release” game animals (or their souls) from their hidden abodes,[9] The Desana shaman has to negotiate with a mythological being for souls of game.[10] Not only Tucanos, but also some other rainforest Indians have such ecological concerns related to their shamanism, for example Piaroa.[7] Besides Tukanos and Piaroa, also many Eskimo groups think that the shaman is able to fetch souls of game from remote places;[11][12] or undertake a soul travel in order to promote hunting luck, e.g. by asking for game from mythological beings (Sea Woman).[13] besides that, also the everyday hunting practice has some ecological features, and other beliefs behing it.[14] Hansen's principle also conveys an ecological attitude.[15]

Terminological critic

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I am interested in the example You wrote about. Can You give some details? Now I think of that

  • what You write suggests that they were not a hunter-gatherer people.
  • If this is an African example, it can be debated that it can be termed correctly as "shamanistic". Mediums (incapable of control over their spirits, and lacking soul travel of their own) are in generally not termed as "shaman"s in the literature (although Huxley & Narby seems to challenge this distinction as definition of shamanism, proposing a continuum, examples compared from Africa[16]). Till now, I found that in Africa, it is Bushmen who are mentioned as an example having some similarities to shamanism (travel of the soul, maintaining control over spirits). Your example seems to be rather a pastoralist example (I admit, also Bushmen have pastoralist language relatives: also Hottentots belong to Khoisan, and anyway, there can be other cultures in Africa that can be termed as "shamanistic" after careful examination).

Land and landscape

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Australian Aborigines

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Elkin: "my landscape". And also James: Visions of the Dreamtime: "not man owns land, land own man", and also "cultural landsacpe".

Others

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Gerardo Reichel-Dolamtoff: landscape in imbued with culture of transformed by technology. Eskimo: the artist sees the artefact in the natural features of the raw material, and "releases it" (Burch & Forman 1988).

Sami

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Ingold 1997: 63–65:

Footnotes [also belonging to the quoted text]

  1. Nelson (1983:243) makes a very similar observation in his fine account of the way in which Koyukon, native hunter-trappers of Alaska, perceive their landscape:

Epistemological questions

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We might ask: but how can a shaman achieve any ecological management, as he/she is not a scientist? Now,let us address such problems? What is the knowledge of a shaman? What is science?

Knowledge

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The shaman and the community

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The shaman is not always the only person in a community who knows the beliefs and motifs related to the local shamanhood (laics know myths as well, among Barasana, even though less;[17] there are former shaman apprentices unable to complete the learning among some Greenlandic Inuit peoples,[18] moreover, even laics can have trance-like and other remarkable experiences among Eskimos (hallucinations,[19][20] memories about ghosts or other beings,[21] hearing voices in nature[22] occasionally notifying about the community by falling into trance[23]). The assistant of a shaman can be extremely knowledgable among Oroqen[24][25]). Although the shaman is often believed and trusted exactly because he/she "accommodates" to the "grammar" of the beliefs of the community,[26] but several parts of the knowledge related to the local shamanhood consist of personal experiences of the shaman (illness), or root in his/her family life (the interpretation of the symbolics of his/her drum),[27] thus, these are lost with his/her death.

In some cultures, the border between the shaman and the lay person is not sharp:

The difference is that the shaman knows more myths and understands their meaning better, but the majority of adult men knows many myths, too.[17]

Similar can be observed among some Eskimo peoples. The boundary between shaman and lay person was not always clearly demarcated. Non-shamans could also experience hallucinations,[28][29] and almost every Eskimo can report memories of ghosts, animals in human form, or little people living in remote places.[30] Experiences such as hearing voices from ice or stones were discussed as readily as everyday hunting adventures.[31] Neither were trance-like states the monopoly of shamans, and laic people (non-shamans) experiencing such were welcome as well to report their experiences and interpretations.[32] The ability to have and command helping spirits was characteristic of shamans, but laic people could also profit from spirit powers through the use of amulets. In one extreme instance a Netsilingmiut child had eighty amulets for protection.[33][34] Some laic people had a greater capacity than others for close relationships with special beings of the belief system; these people were often apprentice shamans who failed to complete their learning process.[35]

Many laic people have felt experiences that are usually attributed to the shamans of those Eskimo groups: experiencing daydreaming, reverie, trance is not restricted to shamans.[36] It is the control over helping spirits that is characteristic mainly to shamans, the laic people use amulets, spells, formulae, songs.[37][38] In Greenland among some Inuit, there are laic people who may have the capability to have closer relationships with beings of the belief system than others. These people are apprentice shamans who failed to accomplish their learning process.[18]

The assistant of an Oroqen shaman (called jardalanin, i.e. "second spirit") knows many things about the associated beliefs: he/she accompanies the rituals, interprets the behavior of the shaman.[25] Despite of this, the jardalanin is not a shaman. For his/her interpretative, accompanying role, it would be even unwelcome to fall into trance.[24]

The way shamans get sustenance and take part in everyday life varies among cultures. In many Eskimo groups, they provide services for the community and get a “due payment” (some cultures believe the payment is given to the helping spirits[39]), but these goods are only “welcome addenda.” They are not enough to enable shamanizing as a full-time activity. Shamans live like any other member of the group, as hunter or housewife.[39][40]

Cognitive, semiotic, hermeneutic approaches

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As mentioned, a (debated) approach explains the etymology of word “shaman” as meaning “one who knows”.[41][42] Really, the shaman is a person who is an expert in keeping together the multiple codes through which this complex belief system appears, and has a comprehensive view on it in his/her mind with certainty of knowledge.[43] The shaman uses (and the audience understands) multiple codes. Shamans express meanings in many ways: verbally, musically, artistically, and in dance. Meanings may be manifested in objects, such as amulets.[44]

The shaman knows the culture of his/her community well,[45][26] and acts accordingly. Thus, his/her audience knows the used symbols and meanings — that's why shamanism can be efficient: people in the audience trust it.[26] Such belief system can appear to its members with certainty of knowledge — this explains the above described etymology for the word “shaman”.[46]

Sami shaman with his drum

There are semiotic theoretical approaches to shamanism,[47][48][49] (“ethnosemiotics”). The symbols on the shaman's costume and drum can refer to animals (as helping spirits), or the rank of the shaman. There were also examples of “mutually opposing symbols”, distinguishing “white” shamans practicing at day contacting sky spirits, and “black” shamans practicing at night contacting evil spirits for bad aims.[50]

Series of such opposing symbols referred to a world-view behind them. Analogously to the way grammar arranges words to express meanings and convey a world, also this formed a cognitive map.[51][6] Shaman's lore is rooted in the folklore of the community, which provides a “mythological mental map”.[52][53] Juha Pentikäinen uses the concept “grammar of mind”.[54] Linking to a Sami example, Kathleen Osgood Dana writes:[55]

.

Some approaches refer to hermeneutics,[56] “ethnohermeneutics”,[6] as coined and introduced by Armin Geertz. The term can be extended: Hoppál includes not only the interpretation of oral or written texts, but also that of “visual texts as well (including motions, gestures and more complex ritual, and ceremonies performed for instance by shamans)”.[57] It can not only reveal the animistic views hiding behind shamanism, but also convey their relevance for the recent world, where ecological problems made paradigms about balance and protection valid.[58]

Ecological approaches, systems theory

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Other fieldworks use systems theory concepts and ecological considerations to understand the shaman's lore. Desana and Tucano Indians have developed a sophisticated symbolism and concepts of “energy” flowing between people and animals in cyclic paths. Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff relates these concepts to the changes how modern science (systems theory, ecology, some new approaches in anthropology and archeology) treats causality in a less linear way.[9] He suggests also a cooperation of modern science and indigenous lore.[59]

As Hadzabe are among the recent few functioning hunter-gatherer communities, several researches are done among them: game theoretical approaches, ecology etc. See the appendix parts of Hadzabe article.

Other remarks

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According to Vladimir Basilov and his work Chosen By the Spirits, a shaman is to be in the utmost healthy conditions to perform their duties to the fullest. The belief of the shaman is most popular through the people located in Central Asia and Kazakhstan. The traditions of the shamanism is also imbedded in the Tadzhiks and Uzbeks regions. The shaman’s bodies are to be formed in a strong manner, someone having a small build would be turned away at once. Age is a requirement as well, definitely being over the age of fifty would disqualify those that want to be involved in serving the spirits. The shamans are always of the higher intellect and are looked at in a different perspective, they have a way that makes them quick on their feet and at ill will curing those in need.

One of the most significant and relevant qualities that separate a shaman from other spiritual leaders is their communications with the supernatural world. As early as the beginning of the century self-hypnosis was very highly thought of by those who worship. Another characteristic of the shaman is the talent to locate objects and discover thieves, shocking those of their tribe and those others also around to witness. The belief in the spirits or the supernatural is what attracts those to believe in the shamans. Those who have ill children or are in failing health of their own is what draws them to the shaman spiritual healings. Although the shamans are still in existence, the population is surely declining.[60]

Philosophy of science

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You mentioned a shaman is not a scientist. I suppose (from Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff's book) he simply uses his phronesis, establishes practical rules (restricts exploitation if it seems that searching of resource begins to require longer and longer times), and there are patterns of restrictions embedded in the tradition. Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff also mentions the possiblity of abstraction and philospohy,[61] use of model, exact knowledge of ecological and physiological causes behind the mythological explanation.[62]

Calendar among hunter-gatherers

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As for tradition, his example, the association of hunting seasons of various species to the visibility of their corresponding constellations, surely enables even an oral culture to manage a seasonal pattern of arranging restrictions and exploitation. The ways hunter-gather peoples mimic a written calendar are marvelous: clever associations of signs (appearance or disappearance of various species, constellations etc.) to seasons, see also linking signs to astronomy among Australian Aborigines,[63] also their "speaking" month names,[64] speaking month names alre noteworthy also among Siberian Yupik[65] and Caribou Eskimo[66] in all three cases, these "speaking" month names are referring to clues of natural phenomena.

Algebra of kinship

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About the way abstraction can be present or lack among hunter-gatherers, see Elkin about the genious solution for making two different kinship systems compatible, e.g. on occasions of corroboree[67] (despite of minimalistic number concept[68]).

Supporting claims

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Interdependence results in a special ecological relationship.[69] Notion of "healing" the cosmos (this "cosmos" may be man with the environment, but i may be also as small as the internal of a pacient.[70]

Amazonia

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Tucano, Desana examples by Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff.[71][72][73]

Something like a proof: where shamanism weakened, overhunting resulted.[74]

Illness

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Detailed in Gerardo-Reichel-Dolmatoff's book, (but also expressed in a Cherokee tale.[75]).

Piaroa.[7]

Master of animals

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Tucano, Desana,[76][77] Norh American Indian.[78] Sea woman among Eskimos. Kurupi in Guaraní mythology. Diana's paper.

Siberia

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Examples selected from shamanism in Siberia by Mihály Hoppál.[6][8]

The Ob-Ugric did not want to achieve the Plan, and refused to fish down a sacred lake, because they knew that it is ecologically absurd requirement. They were punished.

Eskimos

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Maybe something will be found by browsing through Mousalimas'edition,[79] especially Nuttall's article.Cite error: The <ref> tag has too many names (see the help page). See also blurring subject and object.[15]

Ogiek

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Defending the Ogiek against the claim of overhunting.[80]

Critic

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I feel that Diamond's several examples are not hunter-gatherers, and the hunter-gatherers he mentions are arriving in a new territory (invasion of man into the virgin Americas through the Bering Strait). I suspect hunter-gatherers with an established local knowledge and presence have time to work out practical rules (possibly embedded in the belief system) to restrict exploitation. Maybe Marshall Sahlin's Stone Age Economics will be a good source for that, but I have read it only ten years ago, I must re-read it.[81]

It is worth also browsing through a book about Arctic peoples and ecology.[79]

Game theory

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Although it is indeed an interesting question how the shaman gets his knowledge (and what kind of knowledge he has), but it is no less important question how he enforces the restrictions. Lack of knowledge is not the only cause of ecological disasters: as we know from the game theory, people are not immune to social traps automatically. Examples like prisoner's dilemma, and tragedy of commons reveal that people can cause disasters even if everybody knows exactly that his deed is not good. The shaman's achievement is not only that he foresees depletion of resources (sometimes this may be rather evident), the main point is that he is able to make people change the behavior. The mythical belief that "overhunting may cause illness for the hunter in a magical way" may be able to enforce some coordinated self-restriction even in societies without state and central power.

Cooperation

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I admit that Reichel-Dolmatoff is not an ecologist/biologist himself, he is an anthropologist, but he has done thorough fieldwork, and he has proposed the collaboration of biologists and anthropologists:[59]

See also

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Notes

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  1. ^ Hugh-Jones 1980a
  2. ^ Hugh-Jones 1980b
  3. ^ Leach 1996: 125–126
  4. ^ Diamond
  5. ^ The Golden Age That Never Was
  6. ^ a b c d Hoppál 1997 (see online)
  7. ^ a b c Boglár 2001: 26
  8. ^ a b Hoppál 2007c
  9. ^ a b Reichel-Dolmatoff 1997
  10. ^ Vitebsky 1996:107
  11. ^ Merkur 1985: 5
  12. ^ Vitebsky 1996: 108
  13. ^ Kleivan & Sonne: 27–28
  14. ^ Nuttall 1997:
  15. ^ a b Hansen 1992: 86–88
  16. ^ Narby & Huxley 2005: 105–109
  17. ^ a b Stephen Hugh-Jones 1980: 32
  18. ^ a b Kleivan & Sonne 1985: 24
  19. ^ Merkur 1985:41–42
  20. ^ Gabus 1970:18,122
  21. ^ Merkur 1985:41
  22. ^ ,Merkur 1985:41
  23. ^ Freuchen 1961: 210–211
  24. ^ a b Noll & Shi 2004: 8–9
  25. ^ a b Noll & Shi 2004: 10, footnote 10
  26. ^ a b c Hoppál 2005: 25–26, 43
  27. ^ Hoppál 2005: 224
  28. ^ Merkur 1985:41–42
  29. ^ Gabus 1970:18,122
  30. ^ Merkur 1985:41
  31. ^ Gabus 1970:203
  32. ^ Freuchen 1961: 210–211
  33. ^ Kleivan & Sonne:43
  34. ^ Rasmussen 1965:262
  35. ^ Kleivan & Sonne 1985:24
  36. ^ Merkur 1985c
  37. ^ Merkur 1985
  38. ^ Kleivan & Sonne 1985: 8–10
  39. ^ a b Merkur 1985: 3
  40. ^ Kleivan & Sonne 1985: 24
  41. ^ Hoppál 2005: 14
  42. ^ Diószegi 1962:13
  43. ^ Hoppál 2005: 15
  44. ^ Hoppál 2005: 14
  45. ^ Boglár 2001:24
  46. ^ Hoppál 2004:14
  47. ^ Hoppál 2005: 13–15, 58, 197
  48. ^ Hoppál 2006a: 11
  49. ^ Hoppál 2006b: 175
  50. ^ Hoppál 2007c: 24–25
  51. ^ Hoppál 2005: 15
  52. ^ Hoppál 2007b: 12–13
  53. ^ Hoppál 2007c: 25
  54. ^ Hoppál 2007c: 25
  55. ^ Dana 2004: 18 (see online)
  56. ^ Merkur 1985:v
  57. ^ Hoppál 2007b: 13
  58. ^ Hoppál 2007c: 25
  59. ^ a b Reichel-Dolmatoff 1999:279–280 (see online)
  60. ^ Shamanic Worlds: Rituals and Lore of Siberia and Central Asia
  61. ^ Reichel-Dolmatoff 1997a: 8
  62. ^ Reichel-Dolmatoff 1997a: 18
  63. ^ Elkin 1986: 40–41
  64. ^ Elkin 1986: 41—43
  65. ^ Меновщиков 1962: 94 (= § 65)
  66. ^ :Gabus 1970: 172–173
  67. ^ Elkin 1986: 62
  68. ^ Elkin 1986: 181–182
  69. ^ Vitebsky 1996: 12
  70. ^ Vitebsky 1996: 126
  71. ^ Reichel-Dolmatoff 97a
  72. ^ Reichel-Dolmatoff 97b
  73. ^ Reichel-Dolmatoff 1999 (see online)
  74. ^ Reichel-Dolmatoff 1997b: 73–74
  75. ^ Caduto & Bruchac 1988
  76. ^ Reichel-Dolmatoff 1997a: 14
  77. ^ Vitebsky 1996
  78. ^ Hultkrantz 1961
  79. ^ a b Mousalimas 1997
  80. ^ Nomi 2004
  81. ^ Sahlin

References

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Latin

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  • Boglár, Lajos (2001). A kultúra arcai. Mozaikok a kulturális antropológia köreiből. TÁRStudomány (in Hungarian). Budapest: Napvilág Kiadó. ISBN 963-908294-5. The title means “The faces of culture. Mosaics fom the area of cultural anthropology”.
  • Caduto, Michael J. (1988). "Awi Usdi, The Little Deer". Keepers of the Earth: Native American Stories and Environmental Activities for Children. Golden (CO): Fulcrum. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
  • Diamond, Jared. "The Golden Age that never was", in The Third Chimpanzee.
  • Elkin, Adolphus Peter (1974) [1938]. The Australian Aborigines. London • Sydney • Melbourne • Singapore • Manila: Angus and Robertson Publishers.
  • Elkin, Adolphus Peter (1986). Ausztrália őslakói (in Hungarian). Budapest: Gondolat. ISBN 963-281-628-5. Translation of Elkin 1974.
  • The Golden Age That Never Was
  • Gabus, Jean (1970). A karibu eszkimók (in Hungarian). Budapest: Gondolat Kiadó. Translation of the original: Gabus, Jean (1944). Vie et coutumes des Esquimaux Caribous (in French). Libraire Payot Lausanne.
  • Hansen, Klaus Georg (1992). "Present-day Worldview among West Greenladic Inuit". In Hoppál, Mihály & Pentikäinen, Juha (ed.). Norther Religions and Shamanism. Ethnologica Uralica. Budapest • Helsinki: Akadémiai Kiadó • Finnish Literature Society. pp. 85–89.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: editors list (link)
  • Hoppál, Mihály (June 1997). "Nature worship in Siberian shamanism". Folklore. 4. Institute of the Estonian Language, Estonian Folklore Archives. doi:10.7592/FEJF1997.04.hoppal. ISSN 1406-0949.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Hoppál, Mihály (2005). Sámánok Eurázsiában (in Hungarian). Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó. ISBN 963-05-8295-3. (The title means "Shamans in Eurasia", the book is written in Hungarian, but it is also published in German, Estonian and Finnish). Site of publisher with short description on the book (in Hungarian)
  • Hoppál, Mihály (2007b). "Is Shamanism a Folk Religion?". Shamans and Traditions (Vol 13). Bibliotheca Shamanistica. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó. pp. 11–16. ISBN 978-963-05-8521-7.
  • Hoppál, Mihály (2007c). "Eco-Animism of Siberian Shamanhood". Shamans and Traditions (Vol 13). Bibliotheca Shamanistica. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó. pp. 17–26. ISBN 978-963-05-8521-7.
  • Hugh-Jones, Christine (1980a). From the Milk River: Spatial and Temporal Processes in Northwest Amazonia. Cambridge Studies in Social and Cultural Anthropology. Cambridge University Press.
  • Hugh-Jones, Stephen (1980b). The Palm and the Pleiades. Initiation and Cosmology in Northwest Amazonia. Cambridge Studies in Social and Cultural Anthropology. Cambridge University Press.
  • Hultkrantz, Åke (1961). "The Owner of the Animals in the Religion of the North American Indians. Some General Remarks". In Hultkrantz, Åke (ed.). The Supernatural Owners of Nature: Nordic Symposium on the Religious Conceptions of Ruling Spirits (genii loci, genii speciei) and Allied Concepts. Stockholm Studies in Comparative Religion 1. Stockholm: Almquist & Wiksell. pp. 53–64.
  • Kleivan, Inge (1985). Eskimos: Greenland and Canada. Iconography of religions, section VIII, "Arctic Peoples", fascicle 2. Leiden, The Netherlands: Institute of Religious Iconography • State University Groningen. E.J. Brill. ISBN 90-04-07160-1. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
  • Leach, Edmund (1982). Social Anthropology. Glasgow: Fontana Paperbacks.
  • Leach, Edmund (1996). Szociálantropológia. Osiris könyvtár (in Hungarian). Budapest: Osiris. ISBN 963-379-196-0. ISSN 1219-8595. Translation of the original Leach 1982.
  • Merkur, Daniel (1985). Becoming Half Hidden: Shamanism and Initiation among the Inuit. Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis • Stockholm Studies in Comparative Religion. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell. ISBN 91-22-00752-0.
  • Merkur, Daniel (1985c). "The Ecstasies of Inuit Laity". Becoming Half Hidden: Shamanism and Initiation among the Inuit. Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis • Stockholm Studies in Comparative Religion. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell. pp. 41–69. ISBN 91-22-00752-0.
  • Narby, Jeremy (2004) [2001]. Shamans Through Time: 500 Years on the Path to Knowledge. New York: Tarcher. ISBN 0-500-28327-3. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
  • Narby, Jeremy (2005). Sámánok. Ötszáz év a tudáshoz vezető ösvényen (in Hungarian). Budapest: General Press. ISBN 963-9598-64-X. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help) Read original English as Narby & Huxley 2004.
  • Nomi, Ron (December 13, 2004). "The Ogiek: The Guardians of the Forest". Seattle Preparatory High School, African Studies.
  • Nuttall, Mark (1997). "Nation-building and Local Identity in Greenland: Resources and the Environment in a Changing North". In S. A. Mousalimas (ed.). Arctic Ecology and Identity. ISTOR Books 8. Budapest • Los Angeles: Akadémiai Kiadó • International Society for Trans-Oceanic Research. pp. 69–83. ISBN 963-05-6629-X.
  • Reichel-Dolmatoff, Gerardo (1997a). "Cosmology as Ecological Analysis: A View from the Rainforest". Rainforest Shamans: Essays on the Tukano Indians of the Northwest Amazon. Dartington: Themis Books. pp. 7–20. ISBN 0-9527302-4-3c. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: invalid character (help)
  • Reichel-Dolmatoff, Gerardo (1997b). "Desana Animal Categories, Food Restrictions, and the Concept of Color Energies". Rainforest Shamans: Essays on the Tukano Indians of the Northwest Amazon. Dartington: Themis Books. pp. 23–75. ISBN 0-9527302-4-3.
  • Reichel-Dolmatoff, Gerardo (July 1999). "A View from the Headwaters". The Ecologist. 29 (4): 276–280.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Sahlin, Marshal. Stone Age Economics.
  • Vitebsky, Piers (1995). The Shaman (Living Wisdom). Duncan Baird.
  • Vitebsky, Piers (1996). A sámán. Bölcsesség • hit • mítosz (in Hungarian). Budapest: Magyar Könyvklub • Helikon Kiadó. ISBN 963-208-361-X. Translation of Vitebsky 1995
  • Vitebsky, Piers (2001). The Shaman: Voyages of the Soul - Trance, Ecstasy and Healing from Siberia to the Amazon. Duncan Baird. ISBN 1-903296-18-8.

Cyrillic

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  • Меновщиков, Г.А. (1962). Грамматиκа языка азиатских эскимосов. Часть первая (in Russian). Москва • Ленинград: Академия Наук СССР. Институт языкознания. The transliteration of author's name, and the rendering of title in English: Menovshchikov, G.A. (1962). Grammar of the language of Asian Eskimos. Vol. I. Moscow • Leningrad: Academy of Sciences of the USSR.

Further reading

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  • Mousalimas, S. A. (1997). Arctic Ecology and Identity. ISTOR Books 8. Budapest • Los Angeles: Akadémiai Kiadó • International Society for Trans-Oceanic Research. ISBN 963-05-6629-X.
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Category:Animism Category:Ecology Category:Science and culture Category:Hunter-gatherers