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Yup'ik shaman exorcising evil spirits from a sick boy. Nushagak, Alaska, 1890s.[1]

Shamanism among Eskimos exists in several variations. It refers to the those aspects of the various Eskimo cultures, which are related to a certain mediator role between people and spirits, souls, mythological beings. Such shamanistic beliefs and practices were once widespread among Eskimo groups, but today are rarely practiced.[2]

Although the term “Eskimo” is regarded as offensive in certain areas, it is still used sometimes as a collective name for Inuit and Yup'ik peoples, because they have a certain cultural unity[3][4] and speak relative languages. Linguistically, the Eskimo branch is the major branch of the Eskimo-Aleut language family, while Aleut language is the minor branch.

Relatedness to other cultures termed “shamanistic”

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Can Eskimo cultures labelled as “shamanistic”? When speaking of “shamanism” in various Eskimo groups, it is important to note that the term “shamanism” has been used for various distinct cultures. Classically, some indigenous cultures of Siberia were described as having “shamans”, but the term is now used for other cultures as well. In general, the belief systems termed “shamanistic” accept that certain people (the shamans) can act the part of a mediator with the spirit world,[5] contacting the various beings that populate the belief system (spirits, souls, mythological beings).

The word “shaman” comes from a Tungusic language and means “he/she who knows”.[5] The shaman is really an expert in their own culture, thus the audience trusts them, and they can act with the safety of knowledge (using various means including musical, epical, choreographic, or manifested in objects).[5] The shamans may use the knowledge for the benefit of the community, or for doing harm. They may have helping spirits, travel to other words.

Most Eskimo groups knew such role of mediator:[6] the person filling it in was actually believed to be able to command helping spirits, ask mythological beings (e.g. Nuliayuk at Netsiliks, Takanaluk-arnaluk in Aua's narration) to “release” the souls of animals to enable the success of the hunt, heal sick people by bringing back their “stolen” souls. Term “shaman” is used in several English-language publications also in relation to Eskimos (academic[7][8] and popular[9]), mostly for angakkuq. The /aˈliɣnalʁi/ of the Siberian Yupiks is also translated as “shaman” in the Russian[10] and English[11] literature.

Eskimo shamanism also exhibits some unique features, or features not shared with all shamanistic religions. The soul concepts of several groups are specific examples of soul dualism, and the belief system assumes specific links between the living, the souls of hunted animals, and those of dead people[12]. Unlike in many Siberian cultures, the careers of most Eskimo shamans lack the motivaton of force: becoming a shaman is usually a result of human decision, not a necessity forced by the spirits.[13]

Career of the Eskimo shaman

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Motivation

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In the case of many Siberian peoples, the shaman may be forced by the spirits to accept their profession.[14] This forced motivation is generally lacking in Eskimo cultures; even if the apprentice gets a “calling”, they can refuse it.[15] E.g. also the Chugach vision quest followed a deliberate choice.

Initiation

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The career of the apprentice Eskimo shaman usually includes a difficult learning and initiation process, sometimes including a vision quest. Like the shamans of some other cultures, the Eskimo shaman may be believed to have a special career: they may have been an animal at a period of their life, and thus be able to use the valuable experiences learned for the benefit of the community.[16][9][17]

The initiation process can vary from culture to culture. It may include

Special language

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In several groups, there was a special distinct language inside the community which consisted of an archaic version of the normal language, interlaced with special metaphors and speech styles. In some groups, such variants were used when speaking with spirits invoked by the shaman and with unsocialised babies who grew into the human society through a special ritual performed by its mother. Some writers have treated it as a language for communication with “alien” beings.[7] Expert shamans could speak whole sentences differing from vernacular speech.[8].

The role of the shaman's language, contacting “alien” beings,[7] can be seen from the fact that a similar language is used for an analogous goal. A mother may talk to her baby in a non-vernacular language during a socialization ritual — the newborn is regarded as a little “alien” (just like spirits or animal souls).[7]

Examples of using shaman language:

Position

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Border between shaman and laic was not entirely sharp. Also laic people could experience visions[8]. Expreinces like hering voices from ice, stones were spoken about just like normal hunting experiences.[19] Having and commanding helping spirits were characteristic to shamans, but alsoalso laic could profit fom powers by use of amulets. Let us mention as extreme a Netsilingmiut example, where a child had 80 amulets for pritecton.

Soul dualism

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Main article: Soul dualism

The Eskimo shaman may fulfill multiple functions, including healing, curing infertile women, and securing the success of hunts (in the case of a scarcity of game or a long meteorological calamity hindering hunting, such as a blizzard).

This plethora of (seemingly unassociated) functions can be grasped better by understanding the soul concept which underlies them. Variations occur among Eskimos, but in general they are a special variant of soul dualism.

Healing
It is held that the cause of sickness is soul theft: somebody (an enemy shaman, a spirit, etc.) has stolen the soul of the sick person. The reason the person would remain alive is explained by the belief that people had multiple souls. Stealing the appropriate soul of the victim does not cause immediate death, only illness or prolonged death. It takes a shaman to bring back the stolen soul. The soul-thief can be an enemy shaman.[19] According to another variant observed among Ammassalik Eskimos in East Greenland, even the joints of the body have their own small souls. If such a small soul escapes, that is the explanation of pain.[20]
Fertity
The shaman avails the soul of the future child to be born by the woman.[21]
Success of hunts
The shaman visits a mythological being who protects all sea animals (usually, the Sea Woman). The Sea Woman keeps the souls of sea animals (in her house, or in a pot). If the shaman pleases her, she releases the animal souls, ending the scarcity of game.[7]

It is the shaman's free soul that can take part in a spirit journey to far and dangerous places (land of dead, Sea Woman, Moon etc) while his body is still alive.[21] At the initiation of the apprentice shaman, the initiator extracts the shaman's free soul and makes it familiar to the helping spirits so that they shall listen when the new shaman invokes them.[19][22]

Animals may have shared souls (shared across their species).[8] The baby's developing own soul was usually “supported” by a name-soul: the baby was given the name of a dead relative, whose name-soul has accompanied and helped the child till adolescence. This concept of inheriting name-souls could amount to a kind of reincarnation among some groups (Caribou Eskimos).[7]

Publicity versus secrecy

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It was believed in several contexts, that secrecy (privacy) may be needed to the effectivenes of an act or an object (either beneficial or harmful, intended or incidental), and publicity may cause its neutralisation.

  • Magic formulae usually required secrecy, they could lose their power if they became known by other people than their owners.
  • Also the deliberate harmful magical act (ilisiinneq) had to be done in secrecy.
  • If the victim of another detrimental magical act (tupilak-making) had enough magical power (e.g. by amulets} to notice the enemic act and “rebound” it back to the person who executed it, then the thus endangered person could escape only by public confession of his planned (and failed) sorcery.
  • a rite of passage celebrating the first major hunting succes of a boy often contained a “partaking” element: the whole community incised the already killed game or took part in its consumption. Because the function of this rite of passage was to establish a positive relationship between the young man and game, and the killed animal could bring dangers to the hunter. The partaking ritual of the community lessened this danger by sharing the responsibility.

Some of the shaman's functions can be understood in the light of this notion of secrecy/publicity. The cause of illness was usually believed to be (besides soul theft) a breach of some taboo (e.g. the conceiving of an abortion). The public confession (lead by the shaman during a public seance) could bring relief the patient. Similar remarks apply for taboo breaches endangering the whole community (wrath of mythical beings causing calamities).[7]

Certain unity of Eskimo cultures

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Eskimo groups comprise a huge area stretching from Eastern Siberia through Alaska and Northern Canada (including Labrador Peninsula) to Greenland. Important examples of shamanistic practice and beliefs have been recorded at several parts of this vast area crosscutting continental borders.[7][8][20]

Do the belief systems of various Eskimo groups have such common features that justifies speaking about “Eskimo” belief systems? There is a certain unity in the cultures of the Eskimo groups.[19][23] Although a large distance separated the Asiatic Eskimos and Greenland Eskimos, their shamanistic seances showed many similarities.[6] Similar remarks apply for comparisons of Asiatic with North American Eskimo shamanisms.[9] Also the usage of a specific shaman's language is documented among several Eskimo groups,[8][7] including Asian ones.[24]

Similar remarks apply for aspects of the belief system not directly linked to shamanism:

Inuit

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Iglulik

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Aua, a shaman, was one of Rasmussen's informant and friends.

Functions of the shaman

Also in Aua's beliefs, one of the shaman's task is to help the community in danger of scarcity of marine animals. It is the Sea Woman who keeps them in her house in a pit, and sends them up to the surface of the sea. Taboo breaches may displease her, which causes failure on sea hunts. Then the shaman must visit her. Several barriers must be surmounted (wall, dog), even the Sea Woman herself must be combatted. If the shaman succeeds in appease her, then the animals are released again as regularly.

According to his narrations, the Sea Woman's local name was Takanaluk-arnaluk. The myth explaining her origin has a local variant talking about a girl and her father. The girl did not want to marry. Later, a bird managed to marry her by cheating, and took her to an island. The father tried to escape her daughter, but the bird made storm, which threatened them with sinking. The father, for fear, threw her daughter into the sea, and cut the fingers of the girl climbing to the rim of the boat. The cut joints became various sea mammals. The girl became a master of marine animals, living under the sea. Later his remorseful father joined her.

This local variant differs from several others, e.g. that of the Netsiliks, which is abount an orphan girl mishandled by her community.

Initiation

Aua also informs us about the rather incomparable experience of the apprentice shaman to see oneself like a skeleton, and nameing its each part by its specific name, while using the specific shaman language.[30]

Kugaaruk (Pelly Bay)

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Arviligyarmiut people make marital contacts with Netsiliks, but live apart[31].

Amitsoq Lake

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This rich fishing resource is regarded as a sacred place. Seasonally, sewing of many things was prohibited.Boot soles could be sewn far away from settlement in a special place.[32] Children had a game tunangusartut, during which they imitated behavior of adults towards spirits, shamanizing in a perfect way, recitated the same magical formulae etc. The game. The game was not regarded as obscene, “spirit can understand the joke”[33]

Netsilingmiut

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The Netsilingmiut live among very hard conditons, the winter is extremely long, the spring is stormy, starvation is not unknown at all.[34] Tattooing provided magical power, and it could affect which world a woman gets to after her death.[35][36]

Although the belief sytems many other Eskimo cultures knows protective, guardian powers, but here, the hardship of life resulted in an excessive use of some such measures. Also dogs can get amulets.[37]Unlike Igluliks[38], Netsiliks may use a large number of amulets. A young boy was given that many of them that he could hardly play. He had 80 amulets![39][34] Also, a man had 17 names, these were names of his ancestor, and he believed that they protect him.[34][40]

Other solution for problems: settling the consequences of taboo breaches. The widespread cosmic deity (named as Sea Woman in the literature), was known also at Netsiliks, named as Nuliayuk “the lubricous one”.[41] If people breach certain taboos, she gets angry and closes the marine animals into her lamp tank. Then the shaman has to visit her to beg for game. The myth explaning her origin had several variations at Eskimos, the Netsilik imagined that she had been originally an orphan girl mishandled by her community.[42]

Another cosmic being, Moon Man is believes to be friendly towards people and their souls getting to a celestial place[43][44] (unlike in Greenland where Moon's anger can be feared at some taboo breaches[43]).

Sila was a sophisticated concept of various forms in several Eskimo cultures, often associated with weather, but imagined at the same time also as a power that can move in people.[45] At Netsiliks, Sila was imagined as male. Netsiliks (and Copper Eskimos) had a tale that Sila's origin can be attributed to a baby of a giant, whose parents were killed in a combat between giants, helped by people.[46]

Caribou Eskimos

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The term “Caribou Eskimos” is a collective noun for inland Eskimos living in an area bordered by the tree line and the west shore of Hudson Bay. They include several groups, namely Krenermiut, Aonarktormiut, Harvaktormiut, Padlermiut, Ahearmiut. Caribou Eskimos do not form a political unit, contacts between the groups are loose, but they have inland lifestyle and some cultural unity. In the near past, Padlermiuts established contacts with the sea, they take part in seal hunt.[47]

Also their soul concept included soul dualism. The soul associated with respiration was called umaffia (place of life).[48] Another source mentions the personal soul of the child, tarneq, it corresponds to the nappan of Copper Eskimos. The personal soul of the child was believed so weak that it needed the guardianship of a name-soul of a dead relative. Such presence of the ancestor in the body of the child lead to a gentle behavior especially toward boys[49]. The belief amounted to a special form of reincarnation of the dead in the child.[50][51]

Because of their inland lifestyle, they have no belief about a Sea Woman. Other cosmic beings filled in her role (regarding caribous instead of marine animals): Sila, Pinga. Some groups made a distinction between the two, others mixed them up.[52] Sacrificial gifts could promote luck in hunting.[53]

The shaman could fill in also a fortune-telling function by a special style of qilaneq. It was a technique of asking a so-called qila-spirit. The shaman raised his shaman staff and shaman belt over his glove lying on the ground. The qila was believed to enter the glove and draw the staff to itself. In genarally, qilaneq, practiced at several other Eskimo groups, consisted of fortune-telling techniques to achieve yes/no answer.[54][55]

Yupik

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Also Yupik knew tattooing[25].

Chugach

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Chugach live on the most southern coasts of Alaska. Birket-Smith made fieldwork among them in the 1950s. Shamanism was already extinct that time. The general observation about motvation of becoming a shaman among Eskimos applies also here: Chugach appentice was not forced by spirits, but visited lonely places deliberately and walked for many days. This vision quest was believed to result in apparition of a spirit. The apprentice fainted, and the spirit took him/her to a place apart (mountains or depth of the sea). The spirit taught the apprentice deep (esoteric) knowledge, e.g. a shaman song.[56]

Sireniki

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See also

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Notes

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  1. ^ Fienup-Riordan, Ann. (1994). Boundaries and Passages: Rule and Ritual in Yup'ik Eskimo Oral Tradition. Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, p. 206.) Nushagak, located on Nushagak Bay of the Bering Sea in southwest Alaska, is part of the territory of the Yup'ik, speakers of the Central Alaskan Yup'ik language.
  2. ^ Merkur 1985, p. 4
  3. ^ Kleivan&Sonne 1985, p. 2
  4. ^ Rasmussen 1965, pp. 110, 166, 366
  5. ^ a b c Hoppál 2005
  6. ^ a b Menovščikov 1996 [1968]
  7. ^ a b c d e f g h i Kleivan 1985
  8. ^ a b c d e f Merkur 1985
  9. ^ a b c Vitebsky 2001 Cite error: The named reference "Vit-Sam" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  10. ^ Rubcova 1954, pp. 203–219
  11. ^ Menovščikov 1968, p. 442
  12. ^ Both death of a person and succesfully hunted game require that cutting, sewing etc. be tabooed, so that the invisible soul do not hurt incidentally (Kleivan&Sonne, pp. 18–21). In Greenland, the transgression of death tabu could turn the soul of the dead into a tupilak, a restless ghost which scared game away (Kleivan&Sonne 1985, p. 23). Animals fleed from hunter in case of taboo breaches, e.g. birth taboo, death taboo (Kleivan&Sonne, pp. 12–13)
  13. ^ Kleivan&Sonne 1985, p. 24
  14. ^ Diószegi 1962
  15. ^ Kleivan&Sonne 1985, p. 24
  16. ^ „Die Seele, die alle Tiere durchwanderte”. A tale, in the following book: Barüske, Heinz: Eskimo Märchen. Eugen Diederichs Verlag (series: „Die Märchen der Weltliteratur”), Düsseldorf • Köln 1969. On pp 19–23, tale 7.
  17. ^ “The soul that lived in the bodies of all beasts” (PDF). In: Eskimo Folk-Tales. Collected by Knud Rasmussen, edited and rendered into English by W. Worster, with illustrations by native Eskimo artists. Gyldendal, London • Copenhagen, 1921, pg. 100
  18. ^ Kleivan&Sonne 1985, p. 38 and plate XXIII
  19. ^ a b c d Rasmussen 1926
  20. ^ a b Gabus 1970
  21. ^ a b Merkur 1985, p. 4
  22. ^ Merkur 1985, p. 121
  23. ^ Mauss 1979
  24. ^ Rubcova 1954, pg. 128
  25. ^ a b Tattoos of the early hunter-gatherers of the Arctic written by Lars Krutak
  26. ^ Rubcova 1954, pg. 218
  27. ^ Rubcova 1954, pg. 380
  28. ^ (in Russian) A radio interview with Russian scientists about Asian Eskimos
  29. ^ Radcliffe-Brown, A.R. (1952) The Sociological Theory of Totemism. In Structure and Function in Primitive Society. Glencoe: The Free Press.
  30. ^ Merkur 1985, p. 122
  31. ^ Rasmussen 1965, p. 221
  32. ^ Rasmussen 1965, p. 244
  33. ^ Rasmussen 1965, p. 245
  34. ^ a b c Rasmussen 1965, p. 262
  35. ^ Rasmussen 1965, p. 279
  36. ^ Rasmussen, 1965, p. 256+
  37. ^ Rasmussen 1965, p. 268
  38. ^ Rasmussen 1965, p. 185
  39. ^ Kleivan&Sonne 1985, p. 43
  40. ^ Kleivan&Sonne, p. 15
  41. ^ Kleivan&Sonne 1985, p. 27
  42. ^ Rasmussen 1965, 278
  43. ^ a b p. Kleivan&Sonne 1985, p. 30
  44. ^ Rasmussen 1965, p.
  45. ^ Rasmussen 1965, p. 106
  46. ^ Kleivan&Sonne 1985, p. 31
  47. ^ Gabus 1970, p. 145
  48. ^ Kleivan&Sonne 1985, p. 18
  49. ^ Gabus 1970, p. 111
  50. ^ Kleivan&Sonne, p. 18
  51. ^ Gabus 1970, p. 212
  52. ^ Kleivan&Sonne 1985, p. 31
  53. ^ Kleivan&Sonne 1985, p. 36
  54. ^ Rasmussen 1965, p. 108
  55. ^ Kleivan&Sonne 1985, p. 26
  56. ^ Merkur 1980, p. 125

References

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  • Diószegi, Vilmos (1962). Samanizmus. Élet és Tudomány Kiskönyvtár. Budapest. {{cite book}}: Text "Gondolat" ignored (help)CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  • Gabus, Jean (1970). A karibu eszkimók. Budapest: Gondolat Kiadó. Translation of the original: Vie et coutumes des Esquimaux Caribous. Libraire Payot Lausanne. 1944.
  • Kleivan (1985). Eskimos: Greenland and Canada. Leiden, The Netherlands: Institute of Religious Iconography • State University Groningen. E.J. Brill. ISBN 90-04-07160-1. {{cite book}}: Text "series: Iconography of religions, section VIII, "Artic Peoples", fascicle 2." ignored (help)
  • Mauss, Marcel (1979) [c1950]. Seasonal variations of the Eskimo: a study in social morphology. in collab. with Henri Beuchat; translated, with a foreward, by James J. Fox. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
  • Menovščikov, G. A. (Г. А. Меновщиков). Popular Conceptions, Religious Beliefs and Rites of the Asiatic Eskimoes. Translated into English and published in: Diószegi, Vilmos (1996) [1968]. Folk Beliefs and Shamanistic Traditions in Siberia. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
  • Merkur, Daniel (1985). Becoming Half Hidden: Shamanism and Initiation among the Inuit. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell. {{cite book}}: Text "series: Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis / Stockholm Studies in Comparative Religion" ignored (help)
  • Rasmussen, Knud (1926). Thulefahrt. Frankfurt am Main: Frankurter Societăts-Druckerei.
  • Rasmussen, Knud (1965). Thulei utazás. Világjárók (in Hungarian). transl. Detre Zsuzsa. Budapest: Gondolat. Hungarian translation of Rasmussen 1926.
  • Rubcova, E. S. (1954). Materials on the Language and Folklore of the Eskimoes (Vol. I, Chaplino Dialect). Moscow • Leningrad: Academy of Sciences of the USSR. Original data: Рубцова, Е. С. (1954). Материалы по языку и фольклору эскимосов (чаплинский диалект). Москва • Ленинград: Академия Наук СССР.
  • Vitebsky, Piers (1996). A sámán. Budapest: Magyar Könyvklub • Helikon Kiadó.. Translation of the original: The Shaman (Living Wisdom). Duncan Baird. 1995.


Category:Shamanism Category:Eskimos Category:Cultural anthropology

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