User:Ioe bidome/Proto-Celtic
Sound changes from Proto-Indo-European
[edit]The phonological changes from Proto-Indo-European (PIE) to Proto-Celtic (PC) may be summarized as follows.[1] The changes are roughly in chronological order, with changes that operate on the outcome of earlier ones appearing later in the list.
Late PIE
[edit]These changes are shared by several other Indo-European branches.
- *e is colored by an adjacent laryngeal consonant:
- Palatovelars merge into the plain velars:
- Epenthetic *a is inserted after a syllabic sonorant if a laryngeal and another sonorant follow (R̥HR > RaHR)
- Laryngeals are lost:
- before a following vowel (HV > V)
- following a vowel in syllables before the accent (VHC´ > VC´)
- following a vowel before a consonant, or word finally, resulting in compensatory lengthening, thus (VHC > V̄C, VH# > V̄#)
- between plosives in non-initial syllables (CHC > CC)[2]
- Two adjacent dentals become two adjacent sibilants (TT > TsT > ss)[2]
Italo-Celtic
[edit]The following sound changes are shared with the Italic languages in particular, and are cited in support of the Italo-Celtic hypothesis.[4]
- Dybo's rule: long close vowels are shortened (or a laryngeal is lost) before resonant + stressed vowel. Note that something like Dybo's rule seems to have also operated in Germanic (Old English wer < *wiHró-).[5]
- Possibly, post-consonantal laryngeals are lost when before pre-tonic close vowels:
- CHiC´ > CiC´
- CHuC´ > CuC´
- Development of initial stress, following the previous two changes. But note that this seems to have been an areal feature, shared, for example with the Indo-European Germanic languages and the non-Indo-European Etruscan language.[6]
- Possibly, vocalization of laryngeals to *ī between a *CR cluster and consonantal *j (CRHjV > CRījV)
- Syllabic laryngeals become *a (CHC > CaC)[2]
- Syllabic resonants before a voiced unaspirated stop become *Ra (R̥D > RaD)
- *m is assimilated or lost before a glide:
- mj > nj
- mw > w
- *p assimilates to *kʷ when another *kʷ follows later in the word (p…kʷ > kʷ…kʷ).[7] But Matasovic points out that: A) this change may have occurred late in Celtic; B) it seems not to have operated on some words in Irish; and C) a very similar assimilation (though in reverse) also occurred in Germanic.[8]
One change shows non-exact parallels in Italic: vocalization of syllabic resonants next to laryngeals depending on the environment. Similar developments appear in Italic, but for the syllabic nasals *m̥, *n̥, the result is Proto-Italic *əm, *ən (> Latin em ~ im, en ~ in).
- Word-initially, HR̥C > aRC
- Before voiceless stops, CR̥HT > CRaT
- CR̥HV > CaRHV
- CR̥HC > CRāC[2]
Early PC
[edit]- Sequences of velar and *w merge into the labiovelars (it is uncertain if this preceded or followed the next change; that is, whether gw > b or gw > gʷ, but Schumacher 2004 argues on p. 372 that this change came first; moreover, it is also found in Proto-Italic, and thus arguably belongs to the previous section):
- kw > kʷ
- gw > gʷ
- gʰw > gʷʰ
- gʷ > b[3]
- Aspirated stops lose their aspiration and merge with the voiced stops (except that this counterfeeds the previous change, so *gʷʰ > *gʷ doesn't result in a merger; that is, the change *gʷʰ > *gʷ must crucially happen after the sound change gʷ > b has been completed):[9]
- *e before a resonant and *a (but not *ā) becomes *a as well (eRa > aRa): *ǵʰelH-ro > *gelaro > *galaro / *gérH-no > *gerano > *garano (Joseph's rule).
- Epenthetic *i is inserted after syllabic liquids when followed by a plosive:
- Epenthetic *a is inserted before the remaining syllabic resonants:
- All remaining nonsyllabic laryngeals are lost.[7]
- ē > ī[7]
- ō > ū in final syllables[7]
- Long vowels are shortened before a syllable-final resonant (V:RC > VRC); this also shortens long diphthongs. (Osthoff's law)[7]
Late PC
[edit]- Plosives become *x before a different plosive or *s (C₁C₂ > xC₂, Cs > xs)[11]
- p > b before liquids (pL > bL)[11]
- p > w before nasals (pN > wN)[11]
- p > ɸ (except possibly after *s)[11]
- ō > ā[11]
- ey > ē (but not in Celtiberian or Lepontic)[11]
- ew > ow[11]
- uwa > owa[11]
Examples
[edit]| PIE | PC | Example | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| PIE | Proto-Celtic | Old Irish | Welsh | |||||
| *p | *ɸ | *ph₂tḗr | *ɸatīr | father | athir | edrydd | cf. home (< *ɸatrijo-) | |
| *t | *t | *tréyes | *trīs | three | trí | tri | ||
| *k, ḱ | *k | *kh₂n̥-e- *ḱm̥tom |
*kan-o- *kantom |
sing hundred |
canaid cét /kʲeːd/ |
canu cant | ||
| *kʷ | *kʷ | *kʷetwores | *kʷetwares | four | ceth(a)ir | pedwar | ||
| *b | *b | *h₂ébōl | *abalom | apple | uball | afal | ||
| *d | *d | *derḱ- | *derk- | see | derc | eye | drych | sight |
| *g, ǵ | *g | *gleh₁i- *ǵen-u- |
*gli-na- *genu- |
to glue jaw |
glen(a)id giun, gin |
(he) sticks fast mouth |
glynu gên |
adhere jaw |
| *gʷ | *b | *gʷenh₂ | *bena | woman | ben | O.W. ben | ||
| *bʰ | *b | *bʰére- | *ber-o- | carry | berid | (he) carries | adfer cymeryd[12] |
to restore to take |
| *dʰ | *d | *dʰeh₁i- | *di-na- | suck | denait | they suck | dynu, denu | |
| *gʰ, ǵʰ | *g | *gʰh₁bʰ-(e)y- *ǵʰelH-ro- |
*gab-i- *galaro- |
take sickness |
ga(i)bid galar |
(he) takes sickness |
gafael galar |
hold grief |
| *gʷʰ | *gʷ | *gʷʰn̥- | *gʷan-o- | kill, wound | gonaid | (he) wounds, slays | gwanu | stab |
| *s | *s | *sen-o- | *senos | old | sen | hen | ||
| *m | *m | *méh₂tēr | *mātīr | mother | máthir | modryb | cf. aunt | |
| *n | *n | *h₂nép-ōt- | *neɸūts | nephew | niad | nai | ||
| *l | *l | *leyǵʰ- | *lig-e/o- | lick | ligid | (he) licks | llyo, llyfu | |
| *r | *r | *h₃rēǵ-s | *rīgs | king | rí (gen. ríg) | rhi | ||
| *j | *j | *h₂yuh₁n-ḱós | *juwankos | young | óac | ieuanc | ||
| *w | *w | *h₂wl̥h₁tí- | *wlatis | rulership | flaith | gwlad | country | |
| PIE | PC | Example | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| PIE | PC | Old Irish | Welsh | ||||||
| *a, *h₂e | *a | *h₂ep-h₃ōn- | *abū acc. *abonen |
river | aub | afon | |||
| *ā, *eh₂ | *ā | *bʰréh₂tēr | *brātīr | brother | bráthir | brawd | |||
| *e, h₁e | *e | *sen-o- | *senos | old | sen | hen | |||
| *H | between consonants[13] |
*a | *ph₂tḗr | *ɸatīr | father | athir | edrydd | cf. home | |
| *ē, eh₁ | *ī | *weh₁-ro- | *wīros | true | fír | gwir | |||
| *o, Ho, h₃e | *o | *Hroth₂o- | *rotos | wheel | roth | rhod | |||
| *ō, eh₃ | in final syllable | *ū | *h₂nép-ōt- | *neɸūts | nephew | niæ | nai | ||
| elsewhere | *ā | *deh₃no- | *dāno- | gift | dán | dawn | |||
| *i | *i | *gʷih₃-tu- | *bitus | world | bith | byd | |||
| *ī, iH | *ī | *rīmeh₂ | *rīmā | number | rím | rhif | |||
| *ai, h₂ei, eh₂i | *ai | *kaikos *seh₂itlo- |
*kaikos *saitlo- |
blind age |
cáech — |
one-eyed — |
coeg hoedl |
empty, one-eyed age | |
| *(h₁)ei, ēi, eh₁i | *ei | *deywos | *deiwos | god | día | duw | |||
| *oi, ōi, h₃ei, eh₃i | *oi | *oynos | *oinos | one | óen oín; áen aín |
un | |||
| *u | before wa | o | *h₂yuh₁n-ḱós | *juwankos > *jowankos |
young | óac | ieuanc | ||
| elsewhere | *u | *srutos | *srutos | stream | sruth | ffrwd | |||
| *ū, uH | *ū | *ruHneh₂ | *rūnā | mystery | rún | rhin | |||
| *au, h₂eu, eh₂u | *au | *tausos | *tausos | silent | táue | silence (*tausijā) |
taw | ||
| *(h₁)eu, ēu, eh₁u; *ou, ōu, h₃eu, eh₃u |
*ou | *tewteh₂ *gʷeh₃-u-s |
*toutā *bows |
people cow |
túath bó |
tud M.W. bu, biw | |||
| *l̥ | before stops | *li | *pl̥th₂nós | *ɸlitanos | wide | lethan | llydan | ||
| before other consonants |
*al | *kl̥h₁- | *kaljākos | rooster | cailech (Ogham gen. caliaci) |
ceiliog | |||
| *r̥ | before stops | *ri | *bʰr̥ti- | *briti- | act of bearing; mind | breth, brith | bryd | ||
| before other consonants |
*ar | *mr̥wos | *marwos | dead | marb | marw | |||
| *m̥ | *am | *dm̥-nh₂- | *damna- | subdue | M.Ir. damnaid |
he ties, fastens, binds |
— | ||
| *n̥ | *an | *h₃dn̥t- | *danton | tooth | dét /dʲeːd/ | dant | |||
| *l̥H | before obstruents | *la | *h₂wlh₁tí- | *wlatis | lordship | flaith | gwlad | country | |
| before sonorants | *lā | *pl̥Hmeh₂ | *ɸlāmā | hand | lám | llaw | |||
| *r̥H | before obstruents | *ra | *mr̥Htom | *mratom | betrayal | mrath | brad | ||
| before sonorants | *rā | *ǵr̥Hnom | *grānom | grain | grán | grawn | |||
| *m̥H | (presumably with same distribution as above) |
*am/mā | *dm̥h₂-ye/o- | *damje/o- | to tame | daimid fodam- |
daimid - |
goddef | endure, suffer |
| *n̥H | *an/nā | *ǵn̥h₃to- ? | *gnātos | known | gnáth | gnawd | customary | ||
references
[edit]- ^ Matasović 2009, pp. 6–11.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Matasović 2009, p. 6.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Matasović 2009, p. 7.
- ^ Schrijver 2015, pp. 196–197.
- ^ Matasovic, R. (2009) Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic. Brill. p.7
- ^ Salmon, Joseph (1992) Accentual Change and Language Contact Stanford UP
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Matasović 2009, p. 8.
- ^ Matasovic 2009, pp. 11–12.
- ^ Cólera, Carlos Jordán (2007) "Celtiberian," e-Keltoi: Journal of Interdisciplinary Celtic Studies: Vol. 6, Article 17. p.759. Available at: https://dc.uwm.edu/ekeltoi/vol6/iss1/17 accessed June 21, 2023
- ^ a b Matasović 2009, pp. 7–8.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Matasović 2009, p. 9.
- ^ Welsh adfer 'to restore' < *ate-ber-, cymeryd < obsolete cymer < M.W. cymeraf < *kom-ber- (with -yd taken from the verbal noun cymryd < *kom-britu).
- ^ However, according to Hackstein (2002) *CH.CC > Ø in unstressed medial syllables. Thus, H can disappear in weak cases while being retained in strong cases, e.g. IE nom.sg. *dʰugh₂tḗr vs. gen.sg. *dʰugtr-os 'daughter' > early PC *dugater- ~ dugtr-. This then led to a paradigmatic split, resulting in Celtiberian gen.sg. tuateros, nom.pl. tuateres vs. Gaulish duxtir (< *dugtīr). (Zair 2012: 161, 163).
- Matasović, Ranko (2009). Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic. Leiden Indo-European Etymological Dictionary Series, 9. Brill Academic Publishers. ISBN 978-90-04-17336-1.
- Matasović, Ranko (2011). Addenda et corrigenda to Ranko Matasović’s Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic (PDF). Leiden Indo-European Etymological Dictionary Series, 9. Brill Academic Publishers.
- Schrijver, Peter (2015). "Pruners and trainers of the Celtic family tree: The rise and development of Celtic in light of language contact". Proceedings of the XIV International Congress of Celtic Studies, Maynooth 2011. Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies. pp. 191–219.
- Hackstein, Olav (2002). "Uridg. *CH.CC > *C.CC". Historische Sprachforschung. 115: 1–22.