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A SOCIOECONOMIC STUDY EXPLORING THE IMMIGRATION OF ARTISAN STONE CARVERS FROM ITALY TO THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA CIRCA 1830-1920 by RUSS JOSEPH MORISI

                                                                      ABSTRACT

     A Socioeconomic Study Exploring the Immigration of Artisan Stone Carvers 
          from Italy to the United States of America circa 1830-1920

              This article will focus on Italian stone-carvers who emigrated to the United States from

Carrara and several other towns during the years circa 1830-1920. They were recruited by American companies to carve intricate ornamental details designed to decorate many of the new buildings of the burgeoning metropolis of the period. Mostly, they boarded ships from Genoa, Italy and Le Havre, France, they traveled with fellow artisans and their families, and, once in America, they often lived together as mobile communities near their places of work.

             Rather surprisingly, the field of immigration studies lacks any organized, documented

history of this community of elite workers. This might have been because their skills, in high demand, necessitated mobility and provided job security and high wages—a marked contrast to the life of the more numerous unskilled immigrants congregated in America’s slums and low paying menial jobs. This research intends to fill this scholarly void by providing an investigation into the reasons that compelled these skilled workers to leave Italy for the United States. This work will also examine the integration of the Italian stone-carvers into the American working environment, and the socioeconomic conditions in which they built their own community within, or outside, the larger Italian community.

                                                      INTRODUCTION
               Skilled immigrants have not been subject to as much attention as the unskilled

masses and stone carvers in particular have eluded scholars’ attention. There are three archetypal job titles used for stone workers. There are (1) the stone cutters who cut and remove the stone from the quarry, (2) the stone masons who lay the blocks for foundations and buildings, and (3) the stone carvers who carve large sculptures from small plaster casts made from maquettes (small models of an intended sculpture created by the sculptor). The stone carver is the most highly skilled of the stone workers and therefore the most highly paid. The stone masons are construction workers, the cutters are quarry workers whereas, many of the stone carvers, who are the focus of this paper, are formally trained artists, which set them apart from the others as a group. In some instances they were called upon to perform the work of artisans, sculpting another’s creation in stone and at other times they were the sculptors; commissioned to create and carve.

                One of the most significant works was the sculpting of Mount Rushmore, a

monumental undertaking designed by the American Sculptor, Gutzon Borglum. One of the carvers he relied upon was an Italian immigrant, Hugo Villa. On July 4, 1930, on top of Mount Rushmore in the remote Black Hills of South Dakota Gutzon Borglum unfastened a massive American flag which was draped across a bust of George Washington and unveiled the first of the four sculptured faces that would eventually come to embellish the mountain. The likeness was not entirely complete, however Borglum had promised the unveiling to coincide with Independence Day 1930 for the anxious American public, who were contributing to the financing of his creation. He had arranged for his stone carvers to work in double shifts to meet the deadline and they barely completed the task. The massive undertaking had been underway for two years; the work of carving the mountain had moved at a very slow pace.

                 Borglum was not pleased with the progress of the work and he wrote a letter to

Calvin Denison, his right hand man and supervisor of the day-to-day operations on the monumental sculpture, complaining of his “careless and slipshod”1 work. Denison resigned and departed permanently from the mountain. From Borglum’s viewpoint Denison did not possess a “...feel for the artistic nuances of the project.”2 It came as no surprise to those close to the project that Borglum wanted to employ the skill Hugo Villa. Villa had worked several times before with Borglum and most recently he was the supervisor of the carving on Stone Mountain, Georgia, where they carved the key figures of the Confederate States of America.3 Borglum wanted the Italian artisan to be the man in absolute control of all the sculpting on this project. Villa and his team of carvers completed the carving of George Washington. The next year Villa would begin the sculpting of Thomas Jefferson which was to be “...a colossal disaster in the making”4 setting the two sculptors, Borglum and Villa, in conflict with one another.

                  Borglum was leaving on one of his frequent trips to Europe and planned to entrust

the task of the sculpting of Jefferson’s bust to Villa. Villa inspected the work site, he had concerns about the granite in the mountain. Villa argued that the granite was of inferior quality on that portion of the mountain; it was laced with fissures and did not have the depth necessary for the sculpture. In addition, he believed that ultimately the stone would fail during the carving. Borglum did not agree. Hugo Villa did as Borglum directed and began to sculpt the head.5 When Borglum returned he was outraged at the developments on the mountain. He called Hugo Villa to task and informed him that from as far as a mile away that there were serious imperfections in Jefferson’s face. In fact, the face was positioned so close and intimately to Washington’s face that people watching the work thought he was sculpting Martha Washington’s face. Hugo Villa reiterated Borglum that the stone on that side of the mountain was not of sufficient quality or quantity to carve the face.6 Nonetheless, at the urging of Borglum, Villa and his crew of carvers would now attempt to complete the bust in the manner Borglum envisioned. Sadly, the mountain did not have the structural integrity and crumbled. Thomas Jefferson’s bust was now to be carved to the left of George Washington’s and the aborted carving of the bust of the third president was dynamited off the mountain.

                Hugo Villa's part in this drama seems extraordinary; a man from Italy, an

immigrant, who, in the beginning of the twentieth century, was in such a respected position to be able to stand at odds with one of the preeminent American sculptors of the time and was proven to be correct. Although this was a unique incident, it was not the only time that an Italian immigrant stone carver was sculpting an American icon. Important stone carvers were recruited from Carrara, and other parts of Italy by American sculptors to do the intricate stone carvings that adorn buildings and statues throughout America, not the least of which was the Lincoln Memorial carved by Attilio and Furio Piccirilli7 or the world famous Cathedral of Saint John the Divine in New York City, which Eduardo Ardolino8 and his company carved the stone for the frontispieces9 and larger than life figures indoors such as in the baptistry where the Ardolinos carved eight statues modeled by the sculptor Mr. Angel.10 This paper will focus on Italian stone carvers who emigrated to the United States from Carrara and several other towns during the years circa eighteen thirty through nineteen twenty. Decorative stone carvings were an expensive addition to any construction project, and the Italian artisans were without parallel in their field. They were recruited by American companies to carve intricate ornamental details designed to decorate many of the new buildings of the burgeoning metropolis of the period. “The Beretta family came to the United States from Carrara and Sarzana, Italy. Representatives from The Vermont Marble Company traveled to this region of Italy at the turn of the century to recruit... [stone] carvers to work at their mills...Giulio Beretta began working at the Vermont Marble Company in 1904”11 Mostly, they boarded ships from Genoa, Italy and Le Havre, France.12 They traveled with fellow artisans and their families and once they arrived in America, they often lived together as mobile communities or near their places of work. Many of them are documented as having worked steadily at their skilled craft along the eastern seaboard, including New York City, Barre, Vermont and Washington, DC.

             The three locations encompassed in this thesis include (1) The heart of the

marble quarries in the mountains towering all around Carrara where many of the stone carvers received their training, and perfected their skills, (2) Barre, Vermont, widely known for its high quality granite and marble, the destination of a community of Italian immigrant carvers, and (3) New York City, which was not only the home for a large community of immigrants from Europe, including many Italian stone carvers, but the location of many of their intricately carved works.

            To comprehend how great an adjustment it was for the Italian carvers transposed

to Vermont and New York, it is crucial to understand their history. This history includes the instruction they received in their craft, their traditions, culture and politics.14 In addition, a major influence on the carvers was the marble trade in Italy and its dynamics, including its labor-management environment. All of these conditions were part of the stone carvers background and determined in part how they acclimated themselves to living in the United States and working for the major marble and granite companies.

                                                              CARRARA
               Carrara is a small city located in the northernmost tip of Tuscany with its port on

the Ligurian sea just south of Genoa on the coast. It stretches up into in the foothills of the Alps Apuan mountain range which is part of the Apennine Mountains. The history of Carrarese stone carvers dates back many centuries to Roman times.15 Marble had been quarried from the Apuan Alps near Carrara during the Roman era when “Greek marbles started to be replaced by Apuan marbles”16 due to its superior quality17 and it was shipped from an area called Luni. The Carrarese were renowned for their sculpting skills and a great deal of the marble work carried out in neighboring cities, such as Siena, was done by the Carrarese. During the Renaissance era when Carrara was ruled by the Malespina family, the quarries were very active, mining the marble from strip mines and deep mines for its commercial value; it was mined, sold, and shipped overseas.18 By the seventeenth century the sculptors and stone carvers became affluent enough to be able to buy their own quarries.19 One family that dominated the marble industry for many years was “the Fabbricotti family who started out as small quarry owners but became more than a small business from a small village at the foot of the Apuane

           The Fabbricotti family remains an affluent, influential family in Carrara.21

During the 19th century the marble carving industry remained significant in Carrara. “...a large number of carving sheds were opened...which specialized in artwork. By the middle of the nineteenth century, Carrara had a population of about ten thousand people with sixty-seven carving sheds where ninety sculptors and one hundred and five carvers...worked.”22 The carving industry was changing and by the turn of the twentieth century “the...architectural and ornamental carving sheds came into existence replacing the artist’s sheds. This was the beginning of commercial manufacturing of architectural elements for private houses, cemetery and civic monuments.”23 Regardless of the transformation of the marble industry, the Carrarese stone carvers were always very well trained and many of them attended the Accademia di Belle Arti di Carrara, The Academy of Fine Arts of Carrara.

                      The Academy in Carrara was established in 1769 by Maria Teresa Cybo d’Este

the Duchess of Massa, Princess of Carrara and spouse of Ercole Rinaldo d’Este the third, the Duke of Modena.24 The purpose of the Academy was to instruct students in the art of sculpture, architecture, and architectural ornamentation, one of many such schools located throughout Italy. Maria Cybo d’Este considered skilled artisans important to the economy of the city. The original managing director of the school was an expert sculptor named Giovanni Cybei who became the guiding artistic force behind the school. Opening this academy had the result of attracting many students from not only other parts of Italy but many other countries as well. The Este family created a large endowment for the academy which allowed it to grow to accommodate the growing student body. When the director Giovanni Cybei died in 1784 the school fell into decline and it wasn’t until 1814 that Eliza Buonaparte, as the head of the Ministry of Education, breathed new financial life into the Academy. Eliza Buonaparte instituted a pension for sculptors which lasted until nineteen fifty-three. Many famous Italian sculptors came out of this school, Pietro Tenerani, Carlo Finelli, Pietro Tacca, Pietro Fontana, and Benedetto Ciaciatore.25 According to exhibits at the Museo Civico del Marmo, The Municipal Marble Museum, the art of modeling in clay and making plaster molds, maquettes, was perfected at the Academy, allowing the sculptors to duplicate work and to restore damaged works, an important innovation26 and a skill that was carried on by the P.P. Caproni and Brother Company in Boston by Italian immigrants from Barga, a town not too far from Carrara.27 The Academy in recent times has broadened its scope to include painting and other graphic arts, but during a large part of the nineteenth century the courses given there were only sculpting courses. By the turn of the twentieth century the market for ornamental works in marble developed around the world, however with the onset of WW1 marble sales decreased dramatically.

                      The radical political background of the Carrarese people was a binding force in

the city, many of the stone carvers belonged to various anarchist groups and much like political organizations gave the people a sense of belonging. They had common goals which aided in their unity. The Fascists almost single handedly destroyed the international marble trade in Carrara when Fascists, having taken over the quarries, jumped the price of Carrara marble to prohibitive heights and U.S. importers protested and cancelled all orders.28

                      The quarry workers, including the stone carvers, had radical beliefs that set them

apart from others. Ideas from outside the city began to influence the Carrarese. Anarchism and general radicalism became part of the heritage of the stone carvers. According to a New York Times article of 1894 many violent revolutionists who had been expelled from Belgium and Switzerland went to Carrara in 1885 and founded the first Anarchist group in Italy. The district in which the quarries are situated was consequently the original hotbed of Anarchism in Italy. Carrara has remained a ‘hotbed’ of anarchism in Italy continuously30 with several organizations located openly in the city.31 The Anarchist marble workers were also the driving force behind organizing labor in the quarries and in the carving sheds.

                “During the first few decades of the 20th century, when the labor

movement emerged with new strategies and directions, some improvements were made to...working conditions. Under the leadership of the...anarcho-syndicalist Alberto Meschi, the local labor union won a number of significant labor battles. After a 1902 strike involving all sectors of the marble industry, marble workers succeeded in establishing their first collective...contract.”32 Their understanding of labor management relations, organizing and striking for their needs as workers, stemmed from their anarchist background. These traditions of the Carrarese stone carvers were practices they brought with them to their new homes in the United States which played a major role in their lives in this country. Of the stone carvers who came to Barre “...those who had developed a more marked Italian American identity, antifascism became part of the broader radical agenda that they pursued as members of a multiethnic and multiracial “American” organizations [and] unions...”33

                 During the Fascist years from 1922 onwards it was particularly bitter in Carrara. The city itself was twice

liberated from the Nazis by anarchist partisans before the arrival of allied troops. Anarchist activity existed in Carrara, when the city was under siege by the Germans and was left to defend itself until allied troops arrived. German forces had retreated from the allies who were pushing them out of southern Italy north into Carrara after Italy surrendered in September, of 1943. The partisan anarchists of Carrara continued an armed resistance against the Germans, there was a popular demonstration by thousands of women outside the German military command in July 1943 which was brutally quashed by the heavily armed Germans. The Germans retaliated by killing any women they thought were the organizers. These brave women caused the Germans to relent, and remove themselves from Carrara. Before the end of the European war Carrara and the quarries were returned to the Carrarese due to the efforts of the Anarchists.

                                                                   VERMONT
                 According to the Italian historian, Gianpiero Gattoni, in the latter half of

the 19th century many of the Italian quarries started to go out of business due to foreign competition. Since there was less marble being quarried, there was less of a need for stone carvers, and the carving sheds of Italy began to close.34 Many stone carvers were left jobless. The carvers, who were out-of-work and with no income in the 1880’s, believed that the recently unified Italy had ruined their livelihood. The carvers gravitated towards radical and anarchist groups to effect changes in government policies. They participated in protests, sometimes violent, and many were jailed and some were killed in violent outbreaks during these events. It became clear that emigration was a good choice for survival, the upheaval in the industry was the necessary emigration push they needed. The carvers traveled to many different European countries to find work as well as Russia, South Africa and South America.35 Fortuitously, for the stone carvers, it was during this same time that the granite industry was growing in Barre, Vermont. Businesses there were in need of skilled stone carvers, and this was the corresponding pull of immigration to the United States.

                The first Italian carvers arrived at Barre, Vermont in the 1880s, brought by an

unnamed English entrepreneur. The granite industry was expanding in the USA and there was a high demand for these artisans to work in the carving sheds and the newly arriving skilled Italians were earning four times the money they were earning in Italy.36 The number of people ‘native’ to Barre, before the Italians arrived, prior to the 1880’s, was 2,000, and it climbed to 12,000 by 1910. The chain of migration had begun, and as more Italians settled in Vermont they encouraged friends and family to come. Italian immigrants accounted for half of the town’s population in 1910. Of the 12,000 people who lived in Barre, 4,500 of them were working in the granite industry. The granite that was quarried, cut and carved in 1910 accounted for up to 30 percent of all national production.

                The Italian families that came to Barre, Vermont were described at the time as not

of the class that comes from Italy by the thousands to make roadbeds and dig ditches, but from the northern part of the country, skilled workmen, who have transferred their field of labor from the marble of Italy to the granite of Vermont.38 Despite this recognition of class difference within the working class, the stone carvers who came to Vermont were not well received by the ‘native’ townspeople. The Italians were consigned to living in the North end or, the rough end, of Barre and were ostracized socially. The neighborhood was neglected by the municipality, the roads were unpaved and a sewage system nonexistent and they were not permitted into the clubs and organizations created by the so-called native born and were excluded from everyday social life.”

                   Part of the reason for the animosity was that the carvers were earning $6 or more per

diem40 whereas the highest paid American employee in the quarries only earned $4. The Barre Evening Telegram, a local paper concerned with the happenings within Barre, confirmed that some of the Italians were anarchists. In articles from 1901, the paper mentions that “...a young Italian man arrived in Barre...some Italian anarchists believed he was a government spy.”41 Their political and social values would also come to inspire ideas that would have a lasting effect on the granite industry in Barre, Vermont. The stone carvers who immigrated into the United States were not a passive people who blended into a homogeneous melting pot in America, nor were they a part of a salad bowl being integrated with the many cultures in society. The stone carvers were a unique group of people with different ideas about what their life was going to be in the United States. Their radical way of thinking would soon be apparent. The immigrants, being confined to the north end of town, often lived together in the same homes, since housing was limited. The result of living together in such close proximity, i.e. eating together and sleeping in the same rooms, helped bolster their already tight bonds brought from Italy. They usually boarded with relatives or people from the same Italian town, this class intimacy precluded sharp clashes of opinion. One unnamed stone carver commented that one can’t quarrel with the one who feeds him.42 The newly arrived Italians had to create and lay the framework for their own social organizations and begin their own social life, networking, and systems of support if they were to survive in Barre.

              The first step in creating a community for these immigrants was to establish a

meeting place. In 1900 the Italian immigrants in Barre built the Socialist Labor Party Hall. “The building was constructed...by volunteers of the Italian community as a meeting hall for the Socialist Labor Party, a political group dedicated to social and labor reform...The Hall provided the [Italian] community with a place to meet, organize, and socialize. Dances, boxing and wrestling matches were held here.”43 The needs of the stone carvers and their families went beyond socializing and entertainment. A food cooperative was set up in the basement of the hall to provide for Italian stone carvers who were injured or sick and could not work, and also for the families of the stone carvers who died.”44

                    The Socialist Hall, in addition to serving a social networking, and food

cooperative function, also embodied the radical ideals and the strength of the workingclass movements in the United States. Socialists, anarchists, and union leaders, often polar opposites, vigorously debated the future.45 There were many violent clashes between the socialists and anarchists. One such meeting in 1903 resulted in the death of a locally famous Italian sculptor and stone carver named Leo Corti who was shot in the stomach the by a man identified only as Garetto. “The wound was like [President] McKinley’s”46 a not-so-subtle reminder that McKinley had been assassinated by an anarchist’s bullet in September of 1901 just two years earlier. The perceived anarchist threat lingered in Vermont as is witnessed by President Theodore Roosevelt’s visit to Barre while on the campaign trail in 1905. One of his scheduled stops was Barre which was known to have a large population of anarchists. There was concern for the president’s life in Vermont and the President was surrounded by secret service to protect him from the anarchists.47 The Barre Italian Anarchist group was one of the earliest in New England, its members were stone and marble cutters from Carrara and other northern Italian towns, who had transplanted their way of life to the United States.48 Italian immigrant women played important roles in the formation and sustaining of these and other oppositional communities in the early decades of their immigration. Contrary to popular impression, observes Nunzio Pernicone, there were a considerable number of women in the radical movement49 The Italian anarchists of Barre began to spread to other areas of North America as is witnessed by an anarchist who was arrested Quebec on suspicion of a plot against the The Italian stone carvers of Barre were not trusted by their new government and they were not accepted by their neighbors, but those concerns paled by comparison to the other potential source of danger they faced. Silicosis was taking the lives of men who were as young as 28 after only a few years of working in the sheds. Other stone carvers, if they were fortunate could reach the age of 50 before the disease destroyed their bodies.51 Silicosis, or stone carvers tuberculosis, became their most daunting enemy.52 Marble, on the other hand, is a metamorphic rock made mostly of calcite crystals53 and lacking the harmful silica. Marble is formed as the result of changes that occurred to limestone when it was subjected to heat and pressure over eons. The marble carving ‘sheds’ in Italy in the 19th century were all outdoors, with just a roof to protect the carvers from the rain.54 The dust that the carvers in Italy were subjected to was minimal and marble dust did not cause silicosis. This disease was something new to the Italian carvers.

                    David Ambrosini arrived in Vermont from Italy in 1901 at the age of 19 and after

9 years of working as a carver in one of those enclosed sheds, contracted silicosis and died when he was 28. Those who had the disease were either cared for at a nearby sanatorium55 or the victims were cared for at home.56 According to Barre historian Mario Barberi, the stone carvers were so terrified by the disease that many of the carvers took their own lives to avoid the later stages.57

                   The stone carvers were, naturally, very concerned about the rise in deaths

of this tuberculosis related disease in Barre even though there was a general decline in the United States of deaths from tuberculosis. The death rate from silicosis had been approximately 40 people per 10,000 throughout most of the 19th century and by the turn of the century it had significantly dropped to 18. Interestingly in the state of Vermont it was only 9 per 10,000 but in Barre the rate was over 23.58 Silicosis had become the leading cause of death in Barre amongst stone carvers, as a matter of fact 73 percent of granite workers died from silicosis, one street in Barre was called La strada delle vedove or the street of widows.59 The threat to the Italians lives did not end there, not only were the workers suffering and dying from silicosis, but their families had an extraordinarily high rate of tuberculosis.60 The carvers were dying from the disease and they were bringing it home to their families.

                     To improve working conditions that would include dust collecting devices in the

carving sheds and increase wages and benefits the Barre granite workers went on strike in 1915 and 192261 The labor movement in Barre received little or no support from the leaders of local, state, or federal government, who viewed labor unions as subversive and radical and supporters were usually tagged by industry and local press as un-American and under foreign influence, this sentiment stirred up the already strong anti-immigrant feeling held by many native Vermonters.62 Regardless of the anti-immigrant rhetoric in Barre the Italian carvers’ heritage and radical background gave them all the tools to take action and their militancy led to strike activity that mobilized the workers and maintained their solidarity63 It was bolstered by the writing of Luigi Galleani who was considered the quintessential anarchist leader in their own anarchist newspaper the incendiary weekly, Cronica Sovversiva, which despite its limited circulation had an influence wherever Italian anarchists congregated, was published in Barre.64 Unfortunately the initial strikes of 1915 and 1922 did not have the desired outcome for the stone carvers and it was not until years later in the strikes of 1933 and 1938 that the air handlers were installed in the sheds. After that time the death rate from silicosis plummeted to zero percent.65

                   Thus, leaving Italy for the United States was a mixed blessing for the stone

carvers. Despite all the obstacles many were able to adapt and settle in America, but approximately 25-60 per cent of European immigrants returned to their homeland permanently.66 There are still descendants of the original carvers’ families living in Barre today.67

                                                             NEW YORK

There were Italian stone carvers who did not go to Barre during this period but instead settled in New York City, their story was quite different. The focus of this paper will be on the experiences of the individual Italian stone carvers in New York who worked in various locations in and around the city.

The stone carvers that settled in New York tended to be private contractors rather than employees like the immigrant Italians who worked in Barre, because of this reason it is easier to follow the particular experiences of some individual carvers and their families. They considered themselves sculptors, which they were, having earned degrees in fine arts after five years of study in Italian academies such as The Academies of Fine arts in Carrara and Rome learning sculpting. However, to support themselves and their families while they were establishing themselves in the United States, they carved for others. The stone carvers were associated with many wealthy families, politicians and architects such as Sanford White68 and Henry Bacon, who wanted their homes and office buildings decorated with carved stone. Other staples of the stone carver’s work were the carving of elaborate cemetery monuments, statues, busts, and bas-reliefs for both the private and public sector. An important aspect of their craft was working for churches, carving statues and other architectural features.

                    In the social sphere these carvers were subjected to some degree of nonacceptance

by New Yorkers. On certain documents the stone carving family of Giuseppe and Barbara Piccirilli referred to themselves as Joseph and Barbera Percy,69 Masaniello, one of their sons, was called Tom70 and another son, Orazio, was called Horatio. These could have possibly been attempts at Americanizing their names, a fairly common practice among immigrants trying to shed their ethnicity. They apparently did not meet with the same kind of systemic strong anti-immigrant prejudice held by many native Vermonters.71 Perhaps New Yorkers were more accustomed to immigration. Two families of stone carvers that settled in New York City were the Piccirillis and the Ardolinos. Both members of families sculpted major works in the City and in other parts of the country. The Piccirillis and the Ardolinos achieved a great deal of success, receiving many lucrative commissions, both private and public. They came to own homes and studios and garnered the respect of the art community in the United States in their first generation in this country. This section will focus on the socioeconomic impact on these two Italian immigrant families and how they coped with the transition to the United States and their affect on New York and the world of sculpture.

                 The dealings of the Piccirilli brothers and the Ardolino brothers and cousins were

with the upper echelon of society, families like the Rockefellers72, Enrico Caruso and, Fiorello LaGuardia in the city including the famous American sculptors of the time such as John Angel, Daniel Chester French, and Augustus Saint-Gaudens73 who called upon the Italians to carve into stone what they had modeled from clay or had another artist cast in plaster.

                                                                   THE PICCIRILLIS
                 Giuseppe Piccirilli (1844-1910), a sculptor’s apprentice, left his home in Rome in

1860 at the age of 16 filled with patriotic ambition to fight alongside Giuseppe Garibaldi in a campaign for the unification of Italy. He heard that Garibaldi was gathering forces in northern Italy. Giuseppe arrived in Florence but was rejected because of his age. He learned through word of mouth that there was another army amassing forces in nearby Massa Carrara. He made his way there where the commander allowed him to enlist, and he began his basic training. There was little room for newcomers and Giuseppe was assigned sleeping quarters in a local hotel. He spent his days in training and nights at the hotel where he met and fell in love with the proprietor’s daughter, Barbara Giorgi. When he returned from the fighting in 1863 he married Barbara and opened a small sculpting studio in Carrara. Giuseppe and Barbara had seven children between 1864 and 1885; Ferruccio, Attilio, Furio, Masaniello, Orazio, Getulio, and Iole, the only girl in 1885.

                 By 1873 Giuseppe was doing quite well and had amassed a small fortune, the

Piccirilli’s were thriving, but due to some bad investments this fortune dwindled and they were left almost penniless. They struggled to get by, Giuseppe was still working in his studio he did not make very much money. At a very young age Attilio took an interest in sculpting “and although the family’s finances were not substantial and its income 26 unpredictable, his father decided to send his son to study at the famous Accademia di Belle Arti, in Rome at the age of fourteen.”74 After five years of study at the academy he returned to Carrara only to discover, not surprisingly, that it was difficult to find work. Attilio, along with all of his brothers, lingered for a few years in Carrara doing what little sculpting work they could find. Through networks of friends and relatives the brothers heard that sculpting work could be found in various locations, both in Europe and in other parts of the world. In 1887 Ferruccio went to Egypt on a business venture set up by his father, which had negative results. He returned to Carrara, he and Attilio then went to England to work in a large sculptural firm by the name of Farmer and Brindley, and Furio went to Scotland to do sculpting on the estate of a rich landowner named John McNiesh.75

                  None of the Piccirilli brothers’ ventures abroad were successful for very long;

certainly not worth sending for their family to join them. Eventually through varying circumstances the brothers made their way to the United States in 1888.76 Their parents and sister followed later that year. The original family home was an apartment in Manhattan on East 56th Street; life was difficult for the family. To pay rent and eat, they slowly sold off all the valuable things they owned which consisted mostly of jewelry. They occasionally earned money working as freelance stone carvers on various jobs. Furio and Ferruccio, at one point worked as laborers in a terra cotta factory in Perth Amboy, New Jersey.

                   A break came for the Piccirilli family a year after their arrival in New York.

Giuseppe received a commission from Adler’s Monument & Granite Works to carve a gravestone/statue for the family of a deceased young woman. Giuseppe first modeled the statue and then, with the aid of Attilio and Massaniello, carved it from granite at Adler’s studio on 57th street. “Samuel Adler was so...impressed by the fine artistry of the Piccirillis that he employed them...to carve angels,...busts, lions, medallions, plaques, and architectural decorations.”77 The wages they received from this association were able to put food on their table and pay the rent. It would seem that the Piccirilli family was finally achieving success. However, this was not the type of work they wanted and it did not give them financial stability.

                  In 1895 the Piccirilli’s made a bad business choice, they received a sculpting

commission at the University of Virginia which never materialized because the contractor who employed them went bankrupt. The commission was cancelled and, having bought the marble from Carrara with their combined life savings the family was now in tremendous amount of debt. By this time they had moved to the Mott Haven section of the Bronx on the advise of their mother’ doctor who thought that the country air of the then bucolic Bronx would be good for her declining health. Next to this house they rented property and built two massive studios. Giuseppe and Barbara Piccirilli returned to Italy for health reasons and they both passed away in Italy in 1910 leaving Attilio as the patriarch of the family. He, along with his brothers, submitted many proposals and were successful at procuring a large number of commissions, the most important and prominent one was in New York City. In 1912 Attilio Piccirilli submitted a maquette to the Maine Monument Committee and it was accepted.78 The USS Maine memorial commission was the turning point in the careers of the Piccirillis, especially Attilio. He was finally a sculptor in his own right, not a carver for someone else’s creation. The sculpting of the Maine Monument at the entrance to Central Park on Columbus Circle gave the Piccirillis the prominence they needed. In New York City and the art world and they obtained many more very lucrative commissions, indeed “...in 1924 court papers...[it was] stated that the firm’s gross income in 1923 was $84,213.79 All the brothers, working in unison and independently were responsible for many major commissions for sculptures and bas-reliefs in New York City, throughout the country, and the world.80 Through different sets of circumstances regarding the tragic failing health and eventual deaths of children and spouses, Ferruccio and Furio, naturalized America citizens returned to Italy, in Pietrasanta, just outside of Carrara to live out their days at the Piccirilli estate. The rest of the family; Attilio, Getulio, Masaniello, Orazio, and Iole remained in the United States, married and had children except for Attilio, who married late in life, had no children and was later divorced. They remained sculptors until at least the time when Attilio passed on in 1945 at 79 years of age and was buried in the family plot in Woodlawn cemetery in the Bronx. After Attilio died the family home and studio were demolished along with any records they may have kept. Their children moved away from New York and the Piccirilli name appears in various census roles82.

                                                    THE ARDOLINOS
                  Another family of Italian stone carvers who came to the United States during the

same period, were the Ardolinos; cousins, Eduardo and Rafael. The Italian sculptors were self motivated by their love for the art, and self contained, having all the necessary tools to carve marble, granite and a host of other stones, from start to finish. They typically arrived at the work site complete with tools able to work long hours to complete their assigned tasks. Gail Deninger, a descendant of the Ardolino family and a cataloger for the Connecticut State Library, while working on a project involving The Cathedral of Saint John the Divine located in New York City, wrote a letter with some questions to the archivist at The Cathedral, Wayne Kempton. In the letter she wrote she wanted to verify that her great-grandfather was a sculptor who worked on the Cathedral while it was being built. His name was Rafael Ardolino and his oldest son Arthur Ardolino worked with him on the project. Rafael also worked with his first cousins who had a company which she called Ardolino Brothers Inc., Sculptors, in New York.83 Wayne Kempton refers to the sculptor’s company as Edward Ardolino Inc. It is clear the Ardolinos were responsible for carving stone in the cathedral from clerk-of-work reports. These reports had been written since the building of the Cathedral began in 1898, documenting the daily progress of the building of the Cathedral, M. Fernald an inspector, wrote how when a particularly bad snowstorm in New York had subsided it allowed the carvers to finish carving, and he continued that Ardolino had two men carving.84 Another clerk, A.C. Ferreald, reported in 1932 that Mr. Ardolino had carved the last of the Ross statues for the buttress Niches of the North tower.85 These reports also indicate the American sculptors they worked with, such as in the notation in the same entry that Ardolino’s men were working on three more statues for a portal, from models by Mr. Angel.

                   There were other prominent New York City sculptures for which Rafael was

directly responsible as Wayne Kempton points out, Ralph Ardolino, who died in Jan. 1937 was the one who did the altar at Saint Thomas on 5th Avenue and 53rd street. 86 Gail Deninger concurs with this in an email writing, that she knew he carved the reredos and the altar at Saint Thomas.87 There is often confusion about which sculptor worked on a particular project because they were not employed by the architect but rather hired by a smaller general contractor for which there are few, if any, records existing. Add that to the fact that the sculptors, aside from possibly leaving their enigmatic mark on the work, did not sign them. In the case of the Ardolinos whose names were typically not recorded, the next available sources are the surviving family’s oral history through interviews, family tree, newspaper obituaries, letters and unpublished memoirs.

                     Rafael Ardolino was born between 1869 and 1870 and emigrated to the United

States in 1888. His father was a stone carver before him and Rafael apprenticed under him in Torre le Nocelle, Campania, Italy. He later studied at a fine arts academy in Florence.90 Rafael was a multitalented man who by the time he was 18 years old had mastered the art of sculpting and was adept at every phase of working in stone, including learning the blacksmith’s trade, as many carvers did, to be able to forge, repair and sharpen their own tools. Rafael arrived in Boston and originally lived in Quincy, Massachusetts with his cousins who owned the carving firm, Ardolino Brothers there. Towards the end of the 19th century the firm moved to New York City where they located on Fifth Avenue and eventually moved to 261 Broadway.91 Rafael and his family did not go with them instead during World War I Rafael and his family moved from Boston to Tampa, Florida to live. Rafael went into the monument business there with a partner.92 While he was in Florida, apart from monument carving with his partner, he also executed several sculpting commissions on his own. Business in Florida was not enough to keep him there. Angela Iamello thought it was possible that there was some anti Italian sentiment down south that contributed to his moving to Brooklyn in 1918.93 Although Rafael worked extensively for Edward Ardolino Inc. he again had commissions of his own as a freelance sculptor. He traveled to worksites throughout the country but always returned to the brownstone he owned 240 Bergen Street in Brooklyn New York.94 In 1926 Rafael took his family to a resort area in Long Branch, New Jersey.95 While driving through the area he noticed many cemeteries and several monument studios out of business. He thought there was a need for monument carvers. All his sons were apprentice carvers and he moved his family there and bought an old run down monument shop and after some refurbishing raised the sign on the building calling it the Long Branch Monument Company, in 1928. Unfortunately he never was able to see the business grow; Rafael became ill and moved back to his home in Brooklyn where he died in 1937. His sons successfully ran the business after his death, renamed, Long Branch Monument Company: R. Ardolino and Sons Inc. The Ardolino sons, in 1980 were all in their seventies and they closed the doors to their shop, selling it to another company that still bears their name. The family is still involved in a limited capacity, in the art of carving in stone. The last remaining Ardolino working in Long Branch is Richard, he carves letters in cemetery monuments,96 he is Gail Deninger’s cousin.

                                                    CONCLUSION
                  Scholars approach immigration from various perspectives. In the field of

immigration research there are basically two approaches to the study of immigration. One of these approaches is to research on a large scale, grouping immigrants homogeneously into continent of origin, time periods and world events and studying the immigrants, their destinations, the time frames of their migration, and numbers of people who migrate. These historians rely heavily on government statistics and previous authors’ work to formulate their conclusions. Another approach to the study of immigration focuses on groups such as the work done by Virginia Yans-McLaughlin in Family and Community: Italian Immigrants in Buffalo, 1880-1930, (1971) or Stephen Puleo’s book, The Boston Italians: a Story of Pride, Perseverance, and Paesani, from the Years of the Great Immigration to the Present Day, (2007). These groups can vary widely; family groups97, religious groups98, political groups99, gender groups100 or groups with a certain skill set such as Sicilian women ”fishing-people”101 in Monterey or Italian stonecarvers brought to Mount Rushmore to sculpt.102 They inhabited micro-locations in the new country like the North end of Boston, the Lower East Side in Manhattan, a small quarry neighborhood in Barre Vermont, or a Monterey fishing village in California. One of the aims of both of these areas of study is to focus the process of assimilation, or lack of, into the new country or community. Authors have been writing in the these two styles alternately over the last 30 years.

                   Patrizia Audenino states that “...the emigrants of Valle Cervo [Northern Italy]

have maintained a tradition of emigration based upon their work in stone masonry and cutting. Since the end of the sixteenth century, every spring, the men of this valley have left seeking seasonal employment in their work. The economic balance of the community as a whole was based on the exportation of male while the development of the land and livestock was worked by women; land however is scarce in the region and what is available is of poor quality. Consequently, emigration comprised the principal support for the community. Incapable of providing for the whole population, farming was nonetheless essential for the survival of those who remained when the men left.”103 She gives a detailed picture or a microcosm of not only a country but of a people with a certain skill set and a particular set of circumstances both at the familial level and the geographic level. Audenino continues to research and focuses on the minutia of the pushes and pulls of immigration when she submits that, “Migration overseas began in the nineteenth century. The building of the large infrastructures required by the second industrial revolution raised the demand for skilled labor offered by the men of Valle Cervo. The men of the valley could offer the right skills for the enterprises...” [They] emigrated in small groups of siblings formed on the basis of trade a well as kinship. Sharing the same skills, they worked together and, when divided, maintained contacts for future contracts.”104 Her emphasis is on the details of this particular region of Italy, the families, the particular skill set that the people brought with them, and the unique reasons why they migrated. John Bodnar takes an alternate approach to his study of immigration. John Bodnar submits as an explanation for the direction his book takes that, ”...this work seeks to focus on the common experience of confronting capitalism and...it attempts to synthesize the entire immigrant encounter with urban-industrial America...”105 John Bodnar further makes his point by postulating, “The need is now to move beyond the restricted field of vision offered by studying one or more ethnic groups.”106 Bodnar uses wide-reaching areas to describe immigration from many countries at once. He writes that, “... the very first emigrants from Germany, Italy, Poland, Hungary and elsewhere were often displaced craftsmen and artisans who were smaller in numbers but significant in establishing patterns of movement that many of their rural countrymen would follow.”107 Although he mentions craftsmen and artisans he stays away from the particular groups of people that Patrizia Audenino talks about and focuses on large demographics instead. To emphasize even more the scope of his work he asserts that, “In every time and place men and women must make some effort to adjust to the economic realities which confront them”108 Bodnar does not seek to study single strands of immigration. Oscar Handlin, on the other hand, contends that he wants to, “...seize upon a single strand woven into the fabric of our past, to understand that strand in its numerous ties and linkages with the rest; and perhaps, by revealing the nature of this part, to throw light on the essence of the whole.”109 Oscar Handlin believes that the way to understanding the whole is by studying the sum of its parts. Oscar Handlin continues to describe his methodology as not an uncommon way of confronting the individual immigrant by stating, “I had written, as others have written, of the impact of the immigrant upon the society which received him, of the effect upon political, social, and economic institutions...”110 Oscar Handlin, although studying immigration on a micro level, recognizes the fact that it is important to keep in mind the broader ideas of immigration, he posits, “The arrival of a labor force that permitted the expansion of industry without the pauperization of the native workers...the remarkable fluidity of a social system in which each new group pushed upward the level of its predecessors - these were the phenomena that gave immigration a prominent role in the development of the United States.” He ultimately devotes most of his book to writing about the individual but weaves the larger picture in as well when he explains the ultimate effects of immigration on America when he offers, “immigration altered America. But it also altered the immigrants. And it is the effect on the newcomers of their arduous transplantation that I have tried to study.”111 Jerre Mangione and Ben Morreale in their book on Italian immigration are among those scholars who study immigration on a grand scale writing about nations and whole ethnic groups, relying, in part, on quantitative statistics. They establish that, “ Demographers tell us that the great immigration began internally. From villages perched on the mountaintops of Italy, people moved down to the plains, then to the cities by the sea where they first heard of the New World. It was those living by the sea who began the exodus of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, not long after Italy became a nation. They were soon followed by the great mass of emigrants who lived in the impoverished towns of the interior.”112 Giving a vast picture of immigration, using demographers statistics, and sweeping events that brought immigrants first from the seaside villages and then from the interior. Mangione and Morreale describe how a people moved from one place to another rather than individuals. Mangione and Morreale present the people not from the point of view of their skills, individual villages of origin or family relationships but rather as a people when they point out that, “by 1910, Italians could be found in almost every nook and cranny of America-working in the textile mills of New England, sharecropping in Bryan, Texas, onion farming in Canastota, New York, mining and union organizing in Colorado, cow-poking in West Texas, and lumberjacking in Seattle, Washington.”113 Mangione and Morreale forward that ”the great migration began at a time when America was beset by bank failures, stock market crashes, panic, and mass unemployment-a time without unions or any of the securities of the welfare state”114 citing several nation-wide occurrences that were taking place when the Italians arrived providing the reader with a nation-wide understanding of what was facing the anonymous thousands of immigrants when they reached America. These immigrants seemed to move towards complete assimilation in the dominant culture of the United States. Samuel L. Bailey advances his opinion about Mangione and Morreale’s methodology in his book, “although U.S. scholars have written extensively about migration to the United States for many years, in recent decades they have significantly reconceptualized their understanding of the migration process...These scholars saw uprooted and socially disorganized immigrants who were shunted from place to place by the impersonal push and pull of demographic and economic conditions. Once migrants arrived in the United States, according to these historians, they inevitably progressed towards complete assimilation in the dominant host culture.”115 He maintains in his approach that, “subsequent immigration historians...have substituted a pluralist model for the classic assimilationist model and have enlarged the spatial scope of their work to include places of origin and...alternate destinations. These...historians see a more complex, dynamic, and open ended process that began in the village of origin and continued outward with migration.”116 Samuel L. Baily does not agree that immigrants came to this country and simply assimilated into society. By studying the immigrants separately as smaller units he suggests that “...some forms of ethnic identity were maintained more intensely and longer...[and he] question[s] the adequacy of the assimilationist model and [attempts] to reconceptualize the process of immigration along the lines of a more pluralist model.”117 Bailey further suggests that “the diversity of...migration suggests an issue that has increasingly interested migration historians---the relationship of ethnicity to class and gender. Men and women, peasants, artisans and professionals were among [those] who went abroad, and each of them experienced the migration process somewhat differently.” He is writing micro and not macro. Another example of Bailey’s belief that it is important that immigration should be a more focused study rather than a worldwide study is that, “while the structural environment delineates the general boundaries of the possible and the impossible within which people live, it is the local level of their immediate surroundings that they make their decisions, define purposes, and undertake actions.”118 Therefore it is the individual and the decisions he or she makes that affect his life. Bailey also proposes through his research of immigrants in New York that there is organization in the individual immigrants life which he or she controls and that although “...the migrants are historical actors of varying class...identities with meaningful ...parts in a global drama...[with] hardship...and suffering-but not, for the most part, [having] social disorganization.”119 Bailey asserts that “...because of the particular historical development of Italy, a greater number of those from the economically more developed North were skilled and literate than were those from the South”120 differentiating between the immigrants helping to give insight into immigration trends. His information was gained through his close study of the immigrants and where in Italy they came from and how it might effect where they settled and how they earned wages. Virginia Yans-McLaughlin contends that “ the older school of immigration historians...assumed121 that family stability and consensus were the norm and that immigration disrupted them”122 and after researching a small specific community of Italian immigrants in Buffalo between 1880-1930 Yans-McLaughlin argues in fact that “families gave emotional, practical, and financial support during the immigration crisis and long after.”123 Yans-McLaughlin submits that in-depth close study of small groups is the mode of research that is needed to get at the correct information. In her book she uses statistical charts but reasons strongly against the “...inadequacy of quantitative evidence alone...”124 “the form and availability of statistical evidence determine the kinds of questions posed, and narrow the historian’s vision. It is not enough to know that Italian families experienced low rates or illegitimacy, high population turnover, and significant male unemployment. By themselves these facts give us a one dimensional view of Italian immigrant life...The use of both quantitative and qualitative evidence permits an understanding in which the subtle ways in which family, culture, and class can interact and adapt, suggesting a wholeness of experience that one-dimensional quantification cannot describe.”125 Yans-McLaughlin argues that “definitive statements on...qualities of family life cannot be inferred solely from census data fixed on one point in time; nonetheless this information, supported by other sources, can be used to hint at a possible range of human experience”126 pointing out that she feels it is necessary to temper statistical data with other sources to gain a better picture of immigration. McLaughlin uses case studies like the Barone family and presents how “...Frank arrived with his wife and children. Next came John, Michael, Louis, Thomas, two Josephs [etc.]...”127 with information from “Mrs. Isabella Ianuzzi a relative, [who] identified the Buffalo Barones as related kin from Valledolmo”128 in the form of an interview. Timothy J. Hatton and Jeffrey G. Williamson contend that their “approach is economic and unabashedly quantitative. [They] do not seek to undermine or reject the microanalysis of historians but rather to build on this by examining the causes and the consequences of mass migration at a more macro level. Only then it is possible to infer historical lessons useful for contemporary debate.”129 Timothy J. Hatton and Jeffrey G. Williamson reason that they “ provide fresh and in some cases different answers to the questions that have long been deeply imbedded in the literature. Above all [they] attempt restore to center stage the fundamental economic and demographic forces that pushed and pulled the mass migrations as well as the economic and structural changes they wrought.”130 They make considerable use of statistics when they report, “ ...statistics suggest that the surge in Italian gross immigration around the turn of the century is exaggerated.”131 Their methodology is to pose a question and then to “estimate a times series model ...to explain emigration from northern Europe...[and] construct... indices of economic activity based on deviations from per capita GDP trend.”132 Hatton and Williamson manage the topic of migration from a global perspective in an effort to find new answers. Stephen Puleo, when looking for answers did an in-depth study of the Boston North End Italians. Puleo puts forward the point that “...many elements of the Boston experience were unique. Italian immigrant leaders like Donnaruma and Scigliano had a greater proportional impact than their counterparts in other large cities thanks to the relatively small footprint of Boston in general, and the Italian neighborhoods of East Boston and the North End in particular.”133 Stephen Puleo writes about these individuals who helped shape the North End such as “James Donnaruma...[who] used his newspaper’s voice to help Italian Americans,...immigrants with little more than the clothes on their backs and a flicker of hope in their hearts”134 and George Scigliano, another immigrant, who was the “ chairman of a local vigilance committee”135 combatted the infiltration of La Camora, a Sicilian criminal organization. Scigliano refused to curtail his efforts to rid the North End of Italian immigrant criminals in an effort to maintain a better quality of life for other Italian immigrants. Puleo’s book represents that he “...[looked] at the Boston Italians within the broader context of the overall Italian experience in America...” much the same as Yans-McLaughlin studied the immigrants in Buffalo; on an individual basis.

                   To conclude, the immigration historians work from two different standpoints, to

research on a large scale, grouping immigrants homogeneously and studying the immigrants, their destinations, the time frames of their migration, and numbers of people who migrate and the pushes and pulls of migration. Another standpoint is to the study the immigration of more focused groups according to different job skills brought with them to the new country, the chain migration of family groups, political groups, gender groups, and their particular locations in the new country. Both frames of reference are valid and useful to historians. On the one hand it is important to know why they left and why they went to a specific place, but on the other hand, the peculiarities of the individual groups or the individuals opens up another area of history that is equally important. Determining the different needs, experiences and reactions of a small community can help historians work from the inside out, focusing on the individual and building outward from there to understand the larger statistical information that is so important to other scholars and therefore to better interpret what those statistics mean. The trend toward the study of a reduced or restricted size of immigrant populations is an area that will grow, the larger broad immigrant histories are in place and the detailing of those histories will shed new insights onto it.

                Despite scholarly efforts in the American understanding of immigration there is a

recurring theme of the tired, wretched and poor immigrants teeming to our shores to be saved from starvation and tyranny. The other notion of the immigrant is that he or she is ignorant, possessing no skills and everything they accomplish is somehow related to being saved by the United States. It is imperialistic thought being applied to immigrants, removing agency from the individuals who then become passive objects; civilizing the savage. In the worst case scenario the immigrant has been assigned traits that go beyond ignorance and having no skills. Jacob Riis (1849-1914) was a Danish American writer and social reformer writing during the time when the stone carvers were coming to this country. He is known for helping the poor in New York City, however, in one of his books he wrote about Italian immigrants as being “...not very tidy...elect[ing] to stay in New York...and promptly reproduc[ing] conditions of destitution and disorder...”136 and if the Italians do not move into a slum “...he soon reduces...[it] to his own level to follow his natural bent.”137 Not very apropos words for a social reformer.

                     Thus these ideas about the Italian immigrant being at best ignorant and at worst

turning New York into a slum, or being some sort of underworld character have been the archetypal view of the Italian in this country. There is a need for more studies about these and other skilled, important Italian immigrants and their impact on American society. The further the information drifts into the past it will be all the more difficult to formulate who the real Italian immigrant was. To emphasize the importance of doing this research now Cannistraro included a poignant anecdote in the introduction to The Lost World of Italian American Radicalism: Politics, Labor, and Culture. “On March 4, 1912, in the midst of the famous Bread and Roses strike in Lawrence, Massachusetts...a young girl named Cammella Teoli, daughter of Italian immigrant parents, sat before a congressional committee in Washington D.C., testifying about working conditions in the factories of Lawrence where she lived...sixty-four years later...a reporter...was stunned to discover that Cammella’s daughter...knew nothing about Cammella’s past.”138 This paper has attempted to offer the larger setting between the American sculptor and the Italian carver. At the beginning of this paper Gutzon Borglum and Hugo Villa had argued about the placement of Jefferson’s face on Mount Rushmore and Villa had been proven right and Jefferson was moved to the left of the more conservative Washington where he belonged. The two sculptors parted company briefly after that incident but Borglum was not one to hold a grudge. Through the years he always spoke highly of Villa and magnanimously forgave him for being right and they remained friends.

                   The stone carvers broke the archetype. They were accomplished artisans before

they came to the United States, they were sought after by American architects and sculptors to for their expertise. Italian carvers were still sought later in the 20th century when in 1948 the granite carving industry in Vermont had a great need for carvers. The first generation of carvers had died and the generations after that were reluctant to go into the industry for fear of contracting silicosis. Immigration from Italy had reached its quota in the United States which prevented the Vermont granite companies from hiring Italians as they had done in the 19th century. Congress passed a special waiver allowing carvers to come to Vermont from Italy to mentor American born carvers and rejuvenate the industry.139 The Italian stone carvers were an educated, political, cultured, and organized caring community of people; a valuable part of the American community. They performed the tasks other Americans could not. They earned more than many ‘native’ Americans, owned cars, houses and businesses. These people must be included in the history among those who immigrated into the United States.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY PRIMARY SOURCES ARCHIVES Aldrich Public Library Archives. The Italian Socialists, and the Anarchists of Barre Vermont. Anarchists in Barre. Aldrich Public Library Archives. Barre History, Tape histories (General) by Andy Sacher 1967 interviewing Adelina Frattini Ciace, daughter of stone carver. Anonymous, "Record of Meeting of the Co-operative Association of Consumption July 15, 1912,", Social Club No. 2/Co-operative Association of Consumption, Aldrich Public Library. Fernald (sp), “Clerk of Work Reports, 1 December, 1928.” Archive of Saint John the Divine, New York, New York. Roberts, E.P., “Clerk of Work Reports, 1 January, 1928.” Archive of Saint John the Divine, New York, New York. INTERVIEWS Angela Iamello, granddaughter of Rafael Ardolino, interview held in New Jersey June 4, 2009. Caproni, Mr. and Mrs. Leo and Joanne, grandson and granddaughter-in-law of Pietro Paolo Caproni, interview by author, New York, New York, 7 November, 2008. Deninger, Gail, great granddaughter of Rafael Ardolino, personal email, 30 May, 2003, forwarded to author June 17, 2008. Guazzelli, Roberta, Accademia di Belle Arti di Carrara administrator, interview by author at academy, Carrara, Monday April 20, 2009, 9:30 AM. Kempton, Wayne, Cathedral of Saint John the Divine archivist, personal email dated 5 June, 2003, forwarded to author, June 17, 2008. 49 Petrucci, Nicola, interview by author, lifelong resident and guide in Carrara, Monday, April 21, 2009 3:00 PM. Valsuani, Barbara, director, Scuola Arco Arte, interview held during visit to the Scuola Arco Arte, Colonnata, Italy, April 2009. UNPUBLISHED PAPER Ardolino, Carl E., Biography of a Family, unpublished paper, March, 1998. GOVERNMENT DOCUMENTS Bureau of the Census. Fourteenth Census of the United States, 1920. Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, 1920. T625, 2,076 rolls. List or Manifest of Alien Immigrants for the Commissioner of Immigration. S.S. Kaiser Wilhelm II arriving at Port of New York November 3 1898, passenger number 12 Eduardo Ardolino 15 years old, occupation: Sculptor, nationality: Italian, final destination: Boston. Records of the Immigration and Naturalization Service, Record Group 85; National Archives, Washington, D.C. Passenger Lists of Vessels Arriving at New York, New York, 1820-1897; (National Archives Microfilm Publication M237, 675 rolls); Records of the U.S. Customs Service, Record Group 36; National Archives, Washington, D.C. Registers and Indexes for Passport Applications, 1810-1906; (National Archives Microfilm Publication M1371, rolls 1-3, 13); General Records of the Department of State, Record Group 59; National Archives, Washington, D.C. U.S. Naturalization Records Indexes, 1794-1995, Southern District of New York, District and Circuit Court, 7 Jul 1899. OTHER White Pages Barre Vermont, Eileen Corti, M47 Barre, VT and Amanda Sassi, PO Box 36 Barre, VT. 50 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY SECONDARY SOURCES NEWSPAPERS AND JOURNALS Anonymous, “A Stronghold of Anarchists: Italy’s Action in Respect to Carrara Fully Justified.” The New York Times, January 19,1894. Anonymous, “Fabricotti Marble” Time Magazine, Monday, October 22, 1928. Audenino Patrizia, "The Paths of the Trade: Italian Stonemasons in the United States," International Migration Review. Volume 20, Number 4. Special Issue: Temporary Worker Programs: Mechanisms, Conditions, Consequences (1986). Barre Evening Telegram September 18, 1901. The New York Times February 16, 1912, October 17, 1999. Valz D.G., "The Diversity of Old Barre," The Times Argus, 16 November 1981 OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS United States of America, Bureau of the Census. Twelfth Census of the United States, 1900. Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, 1900. T623, 1854 rolls. United States of America, Bureau of the Census. Fifteenth Census of the United States, 1930. Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, 1930. T626, 2,667 rolls. PUBLISHED BOOKS Accademia di Belle Arti di Carrara, Officina dell’Accademia di Belle Arti di Carrara: materiale & immateriale. Carrara: Accademia di Belle Arti, undated. 51 Alba Richard, Rabateau, Albert J. and DeWind, Josh, eds., Immigration and Religion in America: Comparative and Historical Perspectives. New York: NYU Press December 1, 2008. Avrich Paul, Sacco and Vanzetti: The Anarchist Background. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991. Bodnar John, The Transplanted: A History of Immigrants in Urban America. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1987. Baily, Samuel L., Immigrants in the Lands of Promise: Italians in Buenos Aires and New York City, 1870-1914. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1999. 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