User:Felixkrater/sandbox

Egon Krenz - 2-mal geohrfeigt

24.2.90 Rostock: Soziale Sicherheit und Gerechtigkeit forderten Bauern des Küstenbezirkes Rostock auf der ersten Bauerndemonstration vor dem Rathaus der Stadt. Sie forderten u.a. eine Schonfrist, um die von unsinnigen Reglungen, Uralttechnik und Raubbau gezeichnete, uneffektive Bewirtschaftung des Grund und Bodens durch die Einführung neuer Strukturen wettbewerbsfähig zu machen.

Bundesarchiv Bild 183-1990-0329-028, Berlin, Alexanderplatz, Anti-Stasidemonstration.ADN- Oberst 29.3.90-Berlin: Anti-Stasidemonstration "Keine Stasi-Fraktion in der Volkskammer" forderten Tausende Berliner auf einer am Wahlbündnis 90 und Grüner Partei initierten Demo vom Alexanderplatz zum Palast der Republik. Die Demonstranten setzten sich für die Überprüfung aller Abgeordneten, Staatsanwälte und Richter auf eine mögliche Tätigkeit für das ehemalige Ministerium für Staatssicherheit ein.

Im besetzten Haus Schliemannstraße Neukölln , 2 December 1990

Bundesarchiv Bild 183-1990-0220-033, Erfurt, Volkskammerwahl, CDU-Wahlkundgebung, Doplatz (Kohl?), 20 March 1990

East Germans travelling to West Germany at the Helmstedt border crossing, 11 November 1989

Significant events:

• Late 1980s - The period of Soviet bloc liberalisation (Glasnost) and reform (Perestroika).
• 27 June 1989 - The opening of Hungary's border fence with Austria.
• 19 August 1989 - The Pan-European Picnic at the Hungarian-Austrian border, when hundreds of East Germans, who were allowed to travel to Hungary but not to the west, escaped to West Germany via Austria.
• From September 1989 - Monday demonstrations in East Germany calling for the opening of the border with West Germany and greater human rights protections.
• 18 October 1989 - Eric Honecker removed as General Secretary of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany.
• 9 November 1989 - The fall of the Berlin Wall, enabling East Germans to travel freely to the west.
• 3 December 1989 - The Socialist Unity Party's stepping down.
• 4 December 1989 - Citizens' occupations of Stasi buildings across the country, starting in Erfurt. The Stasi headquarters in Berlin were occupied on 15 January 1990.
• 13 January 1990 - The dissolution of the Stasi.
• 18 March 1990 - The 1990 East German general election, which was also a quasi-referendum on reunification, in which the Alliance for Germany, which supported reunification, got the highest proportion of votes.
• 1 July 1990 - The Währungs-, Wirtschafts- und Sozialunion (Monetary, Economy and Social Union) accord between East and West Germany, came into effect. East Germany adopted the West German currency on this day.
• 31 August 1990 - The signing of the Einigungsvertrag (Treaty of Unification) between the GDR and the Federal Republic of Germany on 31 August 1990 and the Treaty on the Final Settlement with Respect to Germany on 12 September 1990.
• 3 October 1990 - German reunification achieved with the five re-established East German states integrated into the Federal Republic of Germany.

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After the fall of the Iron Curtain

Demise of the Stasi

Less than a month after the fall of

Erich Meilke resigned 7 November

Eric Honecker was removed as leader on 18 October 1989 and less than a month after the opening of the Berlin Wall, the entire SED party, which had ruled East Germany since it was founded, stepped down on 3 December 1989. The Stasi's days seemed numbered and it was feared that they would destroy incriminating documents about their activities.

The occupations led to the protection of Stasi files and ended the fear East German citizens had of the Stasi, the last bastion of the SED dictatorship. The Stasi was dissolved on 13 January 1990.

Protest against former members of the Stasi standing for elections (still have former Stasi in Germany parliament in 2109.

Farmers protests They were further rounds of mass demonstrations after the Berlin Wall opened and after German reunification, with protests about the effects of West German goods flooding onto the East German market, and the process of privatisation of state-owned businesses, which caused high levels of unemployment. For example, in August 1990 about 250,000 farmers around East Germany, with 50,000 in Alexanderplatz, protested about the drop in prices for their produce caused by competition from the West German and Dutch wholesalers.

March elections

Disagreement about where to reunify or not

Reunification process (see main article)=

Treuhandanstalt (high levels of unemployment

Ost Tax

Propery claims (from Topf and Sons pages)

Squaters (how many people left East Germany permanently)

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After 9 November there was not only a wave of demonstrations across the GDR but also a strong shift in the prevailing attitude to solutions. Instead of the chant "we are the people", the new refrain was "we are one people!" A problem for both the East and the West remained the continually high numbers moving from the GDR to the FRG, which created a destabilizing effect in the GDR while also placing a larger burden on the FRG to handle and integrate such large numbers.

Kohl's reunification plan

On the day the Berlin Wall fell, West German chancellor Kohl and his foreign minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher were on a state visit to Poland, which was cut short for the new situation. Only a day earlier, Kohl had set out new conditions for closer collaboration with the GDR leadership: the SED's abandonment of its monopoly on power, the allowing of independent parties, free elections, and the building up of a market economy. During a telephone conversation on 11 November 1989 with SED General Secretary Egon Krenz, who insisted that reunification was not on the agenda, Kohl conceded that the creation of "reasonable relations" was currently most pressing.

At first Kohl refrained from pushing for reunification to avoid raising annoyance abroad. His closest foreign adviser, Horst Teltschik, took heart though from opinion polls on 20 November 1989, which showed 70% of West Germans in favor of reunification and 48% considered it possible within ten years. More than 75% approved of financial aid for the GDR, though without tax increases. From Nikolai Portugalow, an emissary of Gorbachev's, Teilschik learned that Hans Modrow's suggestion of a treaty between the German states had prompted the Soviets to plan for "the unthinkable".

With Kohl's blessing, Teltschik developed a path for German unification. To his "Ten Point Program for Overcoming the Division of Germany and Europe", Kohl made some additions and read it aloud in parliament on 28 November 1989. Starting with immediate measures, the path included a contractual arrangement and the development of confederative structures to conclude with one federation.

The plan was broadly accepted in parliament with the exception of the Green Party, which endorsed the independence of the GDR in "a third way". The SPD was skeptical and divided. Former chancellor Willy Brandt coined the expression "What now grows together, belongs together" on 10 November 1989. Oscar Lafontaine, soon to be the SPD's chancellor candidate, emphasised the incalculable financial risks and the curtailment of the number of those leaving.

International reactions to developments

The sudden announcement of Kohl's plan irritated European heads of states and Soviet chief Gorbachev. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher saw international stability becoming endangered and raised doubts about the peacefulness of a united and restrengthened Germany. French President François Mitterrand was concerned that the German government could give up its commitment to the European integration process and instead focus on its national interests and ambitions for power. In early December 1989, he and Gorbachev sought to ensure "that the whole European process develops faster than the German question and that it overtakes the German development. We must form pan-European structures." Gorbachev informed West German foreign minister Genscher that Kohl was behaving "like a bull in a china shop".

In light of these frosty reactions, the West German government viewed a meeting of the four Allied powers on 11 December 1989 as a demonstrative affront. Only the United States government, under George H. W. Bush, offered the West German chancellor support by setting out its own interests in any potential German reunification the day after Kohl's plan.

Kohl stressed that the driving factor behind the developments was the GDR populace and not the FRG government, which was itself surprised by the events and had to react. He aimed to preempt a state visit by Mitterrand on 20–22 December 1989 and planned talks with Minister President Modrow. In Dresden on 19 December, Kohl spoke before a crowd of 100,000, who broke out into cheers when he stated: "My goal remains—if the historical hour allows—the uniting of our nation".

When Mitterrand realized that controlling development from outside was not possible, he sought to commit the West German government to a foreseeable united Germany on two matters: on the recognition of Poland's western border and on hastened European integration through the establishment of a currency union. In January 1990, the Soviet Union sent understanding signals by appealing to West Germany for food deliveries. On 10 February 1990, Kohl and his advisers had positive talks with Gorbachev in Moscow.

Situation in the GDR

After his election as Minister President in the People's Chamber on 13 November 1989, Hans Modrow affirmed on 16 November that, from the GDR viewpoint, reunification was not on the agenda.

Since the end of October, opposition groups had called for the creation of a round table. They released a communal statement: "In light of the critical situation in our country, which can no longer be controlled by the previous power and responsibility structures, we demand that representatives of the GDR population come together to negotiate at a round table, to established conditions for constitutional reform and for free elections."

East German author Christa Wolf, who on the night before the opening of the border had called for people to remain in the GDR, read an appeal titled "For Our Country" on 28 November 1989; it was supported by GDR artists and civil liberties campaigners as well as critical SED members. During a press conference the same day, the author Stefan Heym also read the appeal, and within a few days it had received 1.17 million signatures. It called for "a separate identity for the GDR" to be established and warned against a "sell-out of our material and moral values" through reunification, stating there was still "the chance to develop a socialist alternative to the FRG as an equal partner amongst the states of Europe".

At the first meeting of the Central Round Table on 7 December 1989, the participants defined the new body as an advisory and decision-making institution. Unlike the Polish example, where the Solidarity delegates confronted the government, the Central Round Table was formed from representatives of numerous new opposition groups and delegates in equal number from the SED, bloc parties, and the SED-linked mass organizations. Church representatives acted as moderators.

The socialist reform program of Modrow's government lacked support both domestically and internationally. On a visit to Moscow in January 1990, Modrow admitted to Gorbachev: "The growing majority of the GDR population no longer supports the idea of the existence of two German states; it no longer seems possible to sustain this idea. … If we don't grasp the initiative now, then the process already set in motion will spontaneously and eruptively continue onward without us being able to have any influence upon it".

To expand the trust in his own government for the transitional phase until free elections, on 22 January 1990 Modrow offered the opposition groups the chance to participate in government. The majority of these groups agreed to a counteroffer of placing candidates from the Central Round Table in a non-party transitional government. Modrow considered this an attempt to dismantle his government and rejected int on 28 January. After lengthy negotiations and Modrow's threatening to resign, the opposition relented and accepted a place in the government as "ministers without portfolio". However, when Modrow committed to a one-nation Germany a few days later, the United Left withdrew its acceptance due to "a breach of trust" and rejected being involving in the government.

After the entry into the cabinet on 5 February 1990, all nine new "ministers" traveled with Modrow to Bonn for talks with the West German government on 13 February. As with Kohl's visit to Dresden two months earlier, Modrow was denied immediate financial support to avoid the threat of insolvency (although a prospective currency union had been on offer for several days). The talks were largely unproductive, with Kohl unwilling to make any decisive appointments with the pivotal election only weeks away.

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Weekly demonstrations

In several towns in the Thuringia region, over 2000 members of the Volkspolzei joined in and marched with the protesters.

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pppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oqPTIIknjjs

Blue box? "1989 was not inevitable, just as the Soviet seizure of the eastern half of Europe between 1944 and 1947 was not unavoidable. The end of the Soviet colonial empire was indeed inevitable, as all empires disappear eventually, but it could have come much later, and under far less peaceful circumstances."

"1989 was undoubtedly a turning point in world history. Both World Wars and the Cold War started in Central Europe, but it was in Central Europe too that the Cold War came to an end."

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Stasi memorials

Schwerin

Seit 1998 gehört die Untersuchungshaftanstalt zum Dokumentationszentrum für die Opfer deutscher Diktaturen des Landes Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, zu der auch das ehemalige Untersuchungsgefängnis der Staatssicherheit am Demmlerplatz in Schwerin zu zählen ist. Von Oktober 1999 bis August 2017 war die DuG für den regelmäßigen Besucherverkehr geöffnet. Seit 2010 wird der größte Teil des denkmalgeschützten Komplexes der ehemaligen Bezirksverwaltung Schritt für Schritt saniert.

Suhl

Das 1859 fertiggestellte Gefängnis wurde von 1953 bis 1989 als Untersuchungshaftanstalt der Bezirksverwaltung Suhl genutzt. Heute ist hier das Staatsarchiv Meiningen – Außenstelle Suhl (Archivdepot). Staatsarchiv Meiningen

possible blue box quote for Stasi Museum

"Stasi-Drohung: "Sie werden verhaftet" Für uns rief er seinen neuen Abteilungsleiter für Inneres ins Büro, einen Herrn Schneider, der gerade seinen abgesetzten Vorgänger abgelöst hatte. Claudia und ich saßen einem ratlosen Mann gegenüber, der unseren Fragen zunächst auswich, wer für die Stasi eigentlich verantwortlich sei. Doch dann rief er selber bei der Erfurter Stasiführung, um mitzuteilen, "dass heute Bürger in seine Dienststelle kommen wollen und einen friedlichen Ablauf fordern". Die uns wieder gegebene Antwort war barsch: "Nein, wir wollen keine Bürger im Haus, wenn sie kommen, werden sie verhaftet."

Plötzlich hatte ich ein Bild von den kahlen U-Haftzellen vor mir, Gedanken ratterten durch den Kopf, aber auch zu meiner eigenen Überraschung waren sie nicht angstbesetzt. Eher „Verhaften ist besser als erschießen“, „Wieder so eine langweilige dumme Zeit“ usw., so dass ich laut sagte: "Dann gehen wir eben hinein und lassen uns verhaften". Claudia hatte ihre Kamera dabei und wollte die Büro-Szene fotografieren, doch der Innen-Beauftragte kreischte sie an, er fühle sich "vergewaltigt"! Claudia musste lauthals lachen."

http://www.gesellschaft-zeitgeschichte.de/buch/

poss blue box "Tely Büchner beschreibt diesen Moment, schwanger an den bewaffneten Soldaten vorbeizueilen, als den dramatischsten und emotionalsten am ganzen Tag. In ihrem Gefolge drängten nun immer mehr Bürger ins Gebäude. Sie gingen durch große leere Gänge, die ein verlassenes Gefühl vermittelten, das sich schnell änderte, als sie nach Durchforsten des Gebäudes den Haupteingang öffneten und von dort die schon seit Stunden Wartenden hineinströmten."

poss blue box "In weiteren Räumen lag der Boden voll mit zerhäckseltem Papier...Doch es dauerte nicht lange, dann stießen Besetzer im Heizungskeller auf einen größeren Verbrennungsofen. In Kellerräumen lagerten weitere Papiersäcke voller Schriftstücke, Briefe, und Postkarten, die offenbar zur Vernichtung vorgesehen waren."

draft stuff

“ "Was ist die längste Straße der Stadt? Antwort: Die Andreasstraße. Wer einmal hingegeht, kommt so schnell nicht wieder heraus" (Erfurt 20th century folks saying)sfn ” — Maser, Veen

Charlotte von Mahlsdorf (18 March 1928 – 30 April 2002) was the founder of the Gründerzeit Museum (a museum of everyday items) in Berlin-Mahlsdorf.

Her collection evolved into the Gründerzeit Museum. She had become engaged in the preservation of the von Mahlsdorf estate, which was threatened with demolition, and was awarded the manor house rent-free. In 1960, Von Mahlsdorf opened the museum of everyday articles from the Gründerzeit (the time of the founding of the German Empire) in the only partially reconstructed Mahlsdorf manor house. The museum became well known in cinematic, artistic and gay circles. From 1970 on, the East Berlin homosexual scene often had meetings and celebrations in the museum.

In 1974 the East German authorities announced that they wanted to bring the museum and its exhibits under state control. In protest von Mahlsdorf began giving away the exhibits to visitors. Thanks to the committed involvement of the actress Annekathrin Bürger and the attorney Friedrich Karl Kaul (and possibly also thanks to her enlistment as an inoffizieller Mitarbeiter or Stasi collaborator) the authorities' attempt was stopped in 1976 and she was able to keep the museum.

I Am My Own Woman (German: Ich bin meine eigene Frau ) is a 1992 German film directed by Rosa von Praunheim. The film, a documentary-drama, follows the life story of Charlotte von Mahlsdorf, an East German transsexual who survived the Nazis; the repression of the Communists and helped start the German gay liberation movement. The film is based on Mahlsdorf's autobiography: Ich bin meine eigene Frau, published in 1992, published in English as I Am My Own Woman (1995) and I Am My Own Wife (2004).

References

• Kuhfuss-Wickenheiser, Swantje (1993) Die Reimann-Schule in Berlin und London (1902-1943) : unter besonderer Berücksichtigung von Mode- und Textilentwurf [Bonn : Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität] (Doctoral theses).
• Wickenheiser, Swantje (2009) Die Reimann-Schule in Berlin und London 1902-1943: Ein jüdisches Unternehmen zur Kunst- und Designausbildung internationaler Prägung bis zur Vernichtung durch das Hitlerregime. Herzogenrath: Shaker Media. ISBN 978-3868584752
• Suga, Yasuko (2006) Modernism, Commercialism and Display Design in Britain: The Reimann School and Studios of Industrial and Commercial Art in Journal of Design History Vol. 19, No. 2 (Summer, 2006), pp. 137-154

2015: Feminizing Photography. Women behind the Camera. Galerie Kleinschmidt Fine Photographs, Wiesbaden.[5] Landschaften zum Niederknien in FAZ vom 29. April 2015, Seite 34

Gallery

• 
  Wilhelm wagenfeld, fett-mager-sauciere (MT 50), 1924, 01
• 
  Wilhelm wagenfeld, servizio per caffè-tè, 1924
• 
  Gerhard Roese, Wilhelm Wagenfeld Büste, 2011, private Sammlung
• 
  Stamp Design BRD
• 
  2017-11-02-Max und Moritz-5129
• 
  Wagenfeld-wmf
• 
  Wilhelm-wagenfeld lindner-leuchten
• 
  Wilhelm-wagenfeld-schreibmaschine
• 
  Wilhelm Wagenfeld Lobenstein

Motivation

Other refs

• "verschwindend kleinen Teil der Umsätze von Topf aus: rund zwei Prozent. Das Geld war, zumal nachdem Prüfer auf sein eigenes Drängen hin statt Provisionen"
• "völlig abhängig von Topf & Söhne wollte die SS auch nicht sein. Das SS-Wirtschafts-Hauptamt achtete genau darauf, auch der Berliner Konkurrenz der Firma Kori immer wieder Aufträge für KZ-Krematorien zu erteilen; gut ein Drittel der installierten Verbrennungsöfen stammte von dieser Firmafür"

• "So finden sich denn tatsächlich Belege dafür, dass die Gebrüder Topf während der NS-Zeit Kommunisten, aktive Widerständler und ehemalige KZ-Häftlinge sowie sogenannte Halbjuden in ihrer Firma beschäftigten und sowohl vor Einberufung als auch vor Verfolgung durch den Geheimdienst Gestapo zu schützen versuchten - oftmals erfolgreich offenbar"
• "Buchhalter Willy Wiemokli, Sohn eines polnischstämmigen, zum Protestantismus übergetretenen Juden aus Halle, der mit seiner evangelischen Frau nach Erfurt übersiedelt war. Wiemokli selbst war zeitweilig in Buchenwald inhaftiert, sein Vater wurde in Auschwitz ermordet - dort, wohin die Firma, die seinen Sohn beschäftigte, die Verbrennungsanlagen lieferte"
• http://www.mz-web.de/kultur/erfurter-firma-topf---soehne-techniker-der-todesfabrik-23549074

Files opened up, museum. + location of archives

• Opening and description of the museum from the Telegraph - number of bodies burned per day, visits to the camp, http://www.telegraph.co.uk/history/world-war-two/8284793/Holocaust-Memorial-Day-memorial-at-site-of-Auschwitz-oven-builders.html

From Spiegel international

• "Nowhere else in Europe is the involvement of industry in the Nazis' machinery of death as visible as it is in the company in Erfurt,"

plus phrases origins plus drawing tables on display http://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/history-of-the-holocaust-auschwitz-oven-factory-reopens-as-a-memorial-a-742013.html

Something about Jean Claude Pressac having the files https://www.abebooks.com/servlet/SearchResults?kn=Auschwitz+technique+and+operation+of+the+gas+chambers&sts=t

Augustines Background

Erfurt lay on the Via Regia, a medieval road network which spanned Europe.Thecitz is also on a route of the Camino de Santiago pilgrimage. (German:Jakobsweg). A number of religious orders set up communities within the city:

• In 1136 a convent was established by Augustinian Canoness|Canonesses which has been in continuous operation to the present day. Since 1667 it has been used by Ursulines|Ursuline nuns.
• The Schottenkloster St. Jakob (1136).
• The Predigerkirche (Dominican Church) is a Gothic monastery church of the Dominicans.
• The Peterskirche (St Peter's Church) was a monastery church at Petersberg hill. It was built in the 12th century in Romanesque style as church of the Benedictine monastery.
• The Barfüßerkirche is a 14th-century Gothic monastery church at Barfüßer-straße. The former Franciscan monastery became a Protestant parish church after the Reformation.
• The Martinikirche (St Martin's Church) was built in the 15th century in Gothic style and later converted to Baroque style. It was both a Cistercian monastery and a parish church of Brühl, a medieval suburban zone.
• The Kartäuserkirche St. Salvatorberg (Carthusian Church, Mount St Saviour) was a monastery church at Kartäuser-straße. The Baroque church was closed in 1803 and afterwards used for many different purposes. Today, it is part of a housing complex.

The noted theologian and mystic Meister Eckhart (c. 1260 - 1328) lived at the Dominican Priory for about 30 years from 1275.

References

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