User:Dumelow/1405 Northumberland rising

Tripartite divisions

Northern Rising (1405)

Glyndŵr_Rising#Tripartite_Indenture_and_the_Year_of_the_French

Rebellion is the backdrop to part of Shakespeare's Henry IV, Part 2

The Northumberland rising in 1405, which lasted from May until August(?) with support from the Scrope rebellion, against the King of England and sought to divide the lands of England amongst its plotters.

Background

After the death of his son Henry Hotspur in the 1403 Battle of Shrewsbury, in rebellion against King Henry IV of England during the Glyndŵr Rising), Henry Percy, 1st Earl of Northumberland disbanded the army he had been raising in Yorkshire. The King responded to his disloyalty and circumstances leniently with a short term of imprisonment.

Northumberland had also supported Henry IV to take the throne but had become disillusioned with his rule, demanding ever greater indulgences from the king. He had distanced himself from hsi son's rebellion after its failure, thoguh he had been a supporter of it. Though Henry knew he had been involved Northumberland was acquitted of treason by parlamnet.

Command of the marches brought funding from the king which allowed the holders to maintain the only standing armies in the north of England and held the possibility of potential new lands in Southern Scotland. The loss was a bitter blow to Northumberland.

henry allowed Northumberland to remain free after 1403 as it allowed a delicate balance of power to be held between him and Westmorland, with neither having total power over the north.

Northumberland's rebellion

The king held a network of castles in the north, though this seems to have been of little help in informing him of the rebellion. Northumberland sent a letter to the king from Warkworth Castle on 12 January 1405 asking to be excused from the royal council on 19 April, on account of ill health, hsi age, the distance and the weather. His valediction of "your Mathathias" was the same he had used in a letter of 26 June 1403 before Hotspur's rebellion, and should have served as a warning to Henry. However the council did not come to appreciate the seriousness of the situation until May when they learnt from Prince John at Berwick that Lord Bardolf had abandoned his command in Wales to return to the north. The council wote to Henry IV to ask that Lord Roos of Helmsley and Sir William Gascoigne be sent north to deal with the issue. Henry was simultaneous faced with the remaining Glyndwr rebellion the rebellion of Northumberland and other revolts in the north by Mowbray and Scrope. Henry IV was at Widdrington, Northumberland 27 June

Northumberland favoured the repalcement of Henry with the Earl of March and a failed attempt to kidnap him was made in March 1405, this was possibly the reason he excused himself fromt he January council meeting.

Henry IV seems to have decided that his decision to allow Northumberland to retain his possessions after the 1403 rebellion was a mistake. He made grants of land from Percy's holdings to Prince John, Westmorland and other supporters. The Scrope and Mowbray rebellions were suppressed by June 1405 and Henry devoted his force, a significant army and artillery trian, to reducing the Percy strongholds. Prudhoe and Langley castles surrendered by the middle of June and Cockermouth soon after. Henry ordered the commander of Warkworth Castle to surrender on 27 June, but with n reply began a siege. The castle surrendered after seven cannon shots were made on 1 July. By 2 July Henry claimed only Alnwick remained in Northumberland's hands. On 10 July he arrived at Berwick, which had been seized by Northumberland and Henry Sinclair, earl of Orkney in June. Having learnt of Henry's advance and the executions of Scrope and Mowbray Northumberland, his grandson Henry Percy and Lord Bardolf fled to Scotland. A percy garrison wa sleft at Berwick commanded by William, son of Lord Greystoke; Richard Aske; Sir Ranulph del See and Sir Henry Boynton.

The garrison surrendered after a man was killed by a cannon ball at Berwick castle. Henry entered the town on 12 July and granted the castle to Sir Thomas Grey of Heton. Boynton was tired at a court of chivalry on 13 July and charged with conspiring to grnat the town to the scots, who had communicated with Northumberland. Boynton, Aske and del See were sentenced to death by drawing and hanging. A royalist force appeared at Alnwick on 12 July and, accepting promises of clemency, the castle was surrendered by Sir William Clifford and Thomas Percy (another grandson of Northumberland) by 14 July. Henry was at Hereford 23 May, Dery 28 May, Nottingham 30 May, Bishopsthorpe, Yorks 6 June where he overswa the executions of Scrope and Mowbray.

24 August 1405 a general pardon was granted to the men of York for any treason committed between 1 May and 1 August.

April Northumberland made an attempt to seize the Earl of Westmorland.

Northumberland attended a pricy council in london 22 March. Northumberland arranged early 1405 with Glyndwr and Sir Edmund Mortimer to partition England (Tripartite Indenture), Glyndwr was to het Wales and the Welsh Marches as far as a line between Worcester and the source of the Mersey. Northumberland to receive the twelve northern counties, Edmund the rest.

Northumberland had attempted to ambush Westmoraldn at Witton castle around 4 May 1405. On 6 May he detained Robert Waterton an envoy of the king.

After his failure at Witton Northumberland retreated towards Berwick, though his actions seem to have caused a spontanous outbreak of support in Yorkshire. Scrope's involvement added legitimacy to the rebellion, which had been lacking in earlier anti-Lancastrian risings. Rebels incljuded the esquire Nicholas Tempest of Walton, Sir William Plumpton I and Sir WIlliam Ryther II and Ricahard Fairfac of Steeton. They were mostly supportrs of reform in the goverance of England. Henry moved north from Hereford on 22 May via the north midlands to Pontefract and York. On 22 May he appointed Sir Robert Babthorpe and John Waterton to arrest two Percy supporters in the East Riding. During the rebellion the North Riding rebels were led by y Sir John Fauconberg, Sir John Fitzrandolph, Sir John Colville and Sir Ralph Hastings. They massed 7-8,000 men at Topcliffe wjhere they were forced to flee by a force under Prince john and Lord Fitzhugh. Westmorland led the campaign against Scrope and the Early Marshal who were tricked into surrendering at Shipton Moor on 29 May.

Unlike Hotspur's 1403 rebellion, which consisted almost entirely of Cheshire men, Northumberland was able to attract significant support from wider sources, including large nukmbers of men from Yorkshire, many of whom were tenants or nieghbours of the Perceys. The 1408 rebellion was much smaller but more than a thousand Yorkshiremn still made a long march in the middle of winter to support Northumberland

One contingent came from Northumberlands Cleveland estates.

Scrope's rising

Scrope had previously served Richard II and was visiting Rome on his behalf when appointed Archbishop of York in 1398. The following year he, along with John Trevenant, headed a commission that accepted the abdication of Richard II in favour of Henry IV. He afterwards remained in his diocese apart from for parilaments and councils, though probably came under the influcence of the Percys who were dominant in that area. His younger brother John was married to the widow of Northumberlands son Thomas and his sister Isabel was married to Sir Robert Plumpton, a Percy supporter. Scrope may have cladestinely supported the 1403 rising but escaped suspicion. His reason for joining the 1405 rising is disputed. Some claim it was in disapproval of Henry IVV's oppression of the church, though there is little evidence for his apart from his support for the Archbishop of Canterbury (Arundel) opposing the confiscation of ecclesiastical property at an October 1404 parliament in Coventry (the so-called Unlearned Parliament). A supposed manifesto for the rising chronicled by Thomas Walsingham has Scrope claiming Henry IV was abusing the church, overtaxing the people, allowing corruptionand mistreating some of the nobility. The latterprobably related to Thomas Mowbray, earl marshal, whose father had quarrelled with Henry in 1398. Marched from york with 8-9,000 followers, largely untrained and ill equipped. Likely he intneded to link up near York with Northumberland's better equipped Yorkshire levies from Cleveland, Topcliffe, Tadcaster and Spofforth. They seem to have been planning to march south against the king. It is unclear whether Scrope was a plotter aware of Northumberland's intentions or an idealist manipulated by Northumberland into rebellion. His involvement changed the perception of the conflict from one of an argument between nobility to a "crusade" for better goverance. The rebellion was doomed by the failure of Northumberland to capture Neville in the lead-up to the rising. SScrope, Mowbray and Robert Plumpton;s son, William, spent three days on Shiipton moor near York awaiting reinforcement from Northumberland. The king's forces led by Westmorland and John reached them on 29 May, having dispersed the leaderless levy at TOpcliffe. Scrope's men were unlikely to offer any real resistance and he had little chouse but to surrender unconditionally. Some chronicallers state he was deceived into surrender by Westmorland in return for promises of government reform. Scrope was imprisoned at Pontefract. When Henry IV arived there on 3 June he refused a request for an audience from Scrope and seized his crozier. Arundel rode from London in an attempt to prevent Scrope's execiution, though his arrival seems to have led Henry to act quickly in case pleas for mercy found support elsewhere. On 8 June, while Henry met with Arundel at Scrope';s house in Bishopthorpe, a royal commission under Arundel's nephew Thomas Fitzalan, earl of Arundel and Sir Thomas Beaufort found Scrope and his lieutenants guilty of treason. The chief justice Sir William Gascoigne declined to take part int he irregular proceedings so if fell to lawyer Sir William Fulthorpe to pronounce the death sentence. Scrope was led through the streets of York and beheaded at Clementhorpe, just outside the city limits. It is said it took five blows of the axe to behead him, which drew comparisons with the five wounds of Christ. Scrope was the first English prelate to be judicially executed. Henry allowed Scrope and his supporters to be buried in York Minster, as a mark of conciliation. His grave became a centre fror martyr-worship and was cordoned off by the king who considered it a seditious Yorkist cult. Pope Innocent VII excommunicated those involved in Scrope's execution, though Archbishop Arundel refused to publish this judgement. Henry received a pardon from Gregory XII in 1407, alleged by Yorkists to have been purchased.

Seems to have been some connection between Scrope and Percy's risings as Percy supporters such as Sir William Plumpton and Robert Percy served with Scrope. These men may have assisted Scrope in co-ordinating the rising. Other Percy officials such as Nicholas Hall, Thomas Cattall and Robert White of SPofforth and Hogn Marshal of Healaugh rose with Scrope and Mowbray. Likely that men such as these joined the nearest rising rather than travelling to serve with their actual lord was raising troops.

Beforte the rising Scrope was a relatively obscure figure, son of soldier and adviser to Richard II.

Scrope has been characterised as a supporter of Henry for his acrtions in the 1399 abdication of Richard II but he may have been selected as a neutral figure. He did not assist in the actual crowning of Henry. It is not clear that he held any strong political opinions before 1402 when his brother married, though it is by no means certain that he afterwards was a strong supporter of Percy and there is no evidence he supported them in the 1403 rising.

Scrope supported Arundel in the COventry parliament in 1404.

Likely that Scrope's rebellion came as a complete surprise to Henry and he was not mentioned i the king's letter to the council naming the rebels.

The Coventry parliament was hostile to the clergy and sought to take the proceeds of the Temporalities for one year. After Arundel spoke against this the plan was dropped.

Arundel, rather than Scrope, seems to have been the leader of the opposition to taxation of the church. Scrope raised particular concerns over the impact of the king's actions in exacting customs duties and forced loans upon merchants as well as taking victuals for the royal household without payment. The king was at this time in a poor financial state.

Scropes manifestos proclaimed that it did not intend to depose the king but was against his current advisers. Henry had in fact already dismissed certain counsellors and foreigners at his court at the request of the COmmons of his Coventry Parliament.

Scrope's manifesto also called for juris perit to sit in parliament and for the knights and burgesses to be properly elected rather than royal nominees. He also wanted parliaments to be held in London rather than around the country.

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Henty Boyntpon and William son of marcher lord Greystoke, also involved. John, Lord Clifford and his uncle William Clifford also (they were connected to Northumberland by marriage in 1404) - they had refused to surtrender Northumberland's castles to the king after hte 1403 rising.

All of Scropes familay, bar one nephew (pardoned in June), remained loyal to the king.

Possible Scrope joined the rebellion to moderate the more extreme aims of Northumberland. But also that he was afervent supporter of tNorthumberland or sincerely wanted political reform.

Mowbray, earl marshal aged just 19 was an ally of Scrope but does not seem to have any significant involvement in the political aspects.

Mowbray was gthe son of Thomas Mowbray, duke of Norfolk who had quarrelled with Henry in 1397 during Richard II's reign. There was to have been a trial by battle between the men but Richard had instead banished both, Norfolk permanently (and he died in exile). Teh younger Mowbray had been a page in Richard II's royal household, though he was deprived of the title of earl marshal in 1399 (this being granted to Westmorland). Mowbray knew of the plot to abduct the earl of march and admitted this to Henry IV, begging for apardon. He quarrelled with the ealr of warwick over precedence in March 1405, a matter that was settled in favour of Warwick by the king'#s council and perceived as a slight by Mowbray. He was also aggrieved at being named in a party of lords appointed to serve in Wales, where he would be under the supervision of Lancastrians. Mowbray served ti add legitimacy to the rising and attract other lords, particularly as he was not closely associated with Northumberland.

Bardolf held lands in the south east and midlands but most of his hgoldings were in east anglia and lincolnshire. His mother had married Thomas Mortimer an illegitimate son of the second earl of march and his daughter was married to Northumberland supporter Sir William Clifford. Bardolf supported Henry in 1399 but seems to have had no polical ambition except to be on the winning side and to capitalise on his family connection to the Mortimers.

Bardolf possibly had ambitions of rising to become aregional magnate that could not be satisfied under Henry. He also had no significant contibution to the course of the rising

Northumberland seemed to have learned from the fialure of the 1403 rising. Rather than raising troops from a wide swathe of the coountry which would take a long time to concentrate he looked to a smaller region, there was little recruitment of men from the far north of England and relatively few from Northumberland and Cumberland, despite Northumberland being the most significant landowner in these counties. Lancashire was a royalist stronglhold during the revolt, though no troops were stationed there and it would have probably taken Henry too long to raise troops there to confront Northumberland. Northumberland's rising was largely drawn from Yorkshire.

Northumberland drew his forces largely from the central estates of Yorkshire, around Cleveland, Topcliffe and Malton. York fell within the sphere of influence of Northumberland's Spofforth and Tadcaster estates.

the leading recruiters of men in Yorkshire for the rebellion were Sir John Fauconberg, John Fotzrandolf, Sir John Colville and Sir Ralph Hastings, all gentry with links to Northumberland. John Percy of Kildale and William Lasinby were linked loosley the the rebellion and were also Northumberland's men.

No attempt made to raise Cheshire at the start of the rising. After the failure of previous rising sthere in 1400 and 1403 the citizenry were unlikely to be keen to make an early move in this rising. However Northumberland may have hoped to draw reinforcements from there on his passage south. Mowbray was likely to have been able to draw men from his estates in Lincolnshire and Nottinghamshiree too (some men from these estates had already joined him in Yorkshire). Possibly also Welsh assistance under the tripartite agreement, Northumberland was on good terms with Glendower. In any case Glendower could be expected to continue the fightr in Wales, tying up Prince Henry's army there.

Westmorland was a strong supporter of the king, his brother in law and his presence in the north would seriously affect the success of the rising. As warden of the west march and advisr to John, warden of the east march, he had effective control over all the Royal forces in the north. Westmorland's estates were well positioned to react to any rising on Northumberland's. Westmorland had supported the king in 1403 and defeated Northumberland's Yorkshire forces in the week following the battle of Shrewsbury. Westmorland might intervene at an early stage to suppress the 1405 rising or else his force3s could attack Northumberland's rear during his march south. He also had the potential to sway wavering nobles to the royal side. Nothumberland decided that Westmoralnd needed to be eliminated before the start of the rising.

IN aealry May Northumberland sent 400 men to the house of Sir Ralph Eure at Witton on the Wear, near Durham, where Westmorland was visiting. The number of men involved shows this was a serious enterprise to start the rebellion. Success would have severely hampered the Royalist forces, with Prince John left to do as best he could and perhaps swayed many nobles to Northumberland's side. A captive Westmorland would also prove in any negotiations with the king. Northumberland's men were probably primed to march as soon as success was achieved. Northumberland's campaign plan was probably to gather his forces in the north of his territories then march south, picking up men from estates loyal to him as he went.

The rebel armies would have united at Shipton Moor, the final stop on the southwards march. Likely as it was among the most southern of Northumberland's recruits and because they were too weak to act independently. The role of the York men was likely as numbers alone, to fill out the ranks of the rebels to make them appear more imposing. Westmorland had been forwarned of Northumberland's attack and escaped it. This was disastrous for Northumberland's rebellion as it meant Westmorland was alert and possibly able to strike against the rebels.

Northumberland was unlikely to be able to explain away the incident as a misunderstanding and faced charges of high treason. His only chance of success lay with continuing the revolt, possibly elimiating Westmorland ealr yon and overthrow teh king. News of Northumberland's attemp on Westmorland reached the king and it is likely that his master of horse, Robert Waterton's subseuqnt mission to the north was to investigate the matter. Waterton was seized as a hostage by Northumberland. The King was marching from London to Wales when he heard of the rising. The king acted quickly. At Hereford he issued commissions to raise troops to Lancashire and Midlands loyalists.When news of the rising reached London the king's council dispatched Lord Roos and the chief justice William Gascoigne of Yorkshire north. They also sent 1,000 marks to Henry to cover his immediate expenses.

After his escape Westmorland was with Prince John, Lord Fitzhugh, Sir William Eure and William Fulthorp at Durham. They were uncertain as to what Northumberland's next move would be. Their initial plan was to remain there and hold the castle for the king. Sir Robert Umfraville, a retainer of Hardyng, arrived with a small force and advised them to march south and that there was no fear for the safety of the north, despite uncertainty over Northumberland's wherabouts. It is not known where Northumberland was at this time. He may have moved north almost immediately, abandoning his southern allies, or slipped past Westmorland later. It is possible he moved north early to try to seek Scottish assistance and reinforcements. He is known to have spoken with Scottish leaders soon afterwards. It is unlikely taht he had planned on seeking Scottish help originally, as it would have been politically embarassing.

Northumberland left no instructions to his southern allies. He is unlikely to have even entered Yorkshire. His best course of action may have been to imemditaley march south with his Northumberland and Cumberland forces. It is possible when the rebellion started going wrong that he fled, to avoid risk to his life and to escape culpability. He may have hoped that the rebellion could have succeeded without him, after which he could return as its leader. Scrope continued in accordance with his previous instructions from Northumberland. Scrope posted his manifesto on the gates of York and the doors of its monasteries and churches. He instructed the clergy in the area to preach in support of his cause and led seditious sermons in York Minster.

People of york were easily persuaded by his promise of lower taxation and the credibility lent by Scrope's position. He soon after left with the assembled force to Shipton Moor. Westmorland and his allies collected an army from their own men, royal troops assigned for the defence of the marches and possibly some locally raised levies. They marched for York, which they could see was the current centre of th rebellion. At Topcliffe they were opposed by a rebel force they reported as 7-8,000 strong described as comprised of men from that estate and Cleveland. Though the men from Cleveland had likely not yet joined the rebel army and may have been separately defeated at a later date.

The TOpcliffe rebels did not offer much resistance to Westmorland and were likely leaderless and disorganised, awaiting orders from Northumberland. The official report is vaguely worded and implies they were dispersed without a fight. No contemporary chronicles record a battle. Westmorland's army was not large and may well have lost to a combined Topcliffe and Cleveland army. The appearance of Westmorland was likely sufficient to persuade the rebels to disperse or surrender. Westmorland afterwards continued towards York. Scrope had been on Shipton Moor for three days, likely awaiting reinforcements and indicating he had no intention of acting alone. He celebrated a mass on the moor in which he preached on his manifesto, possibly an attempt to ressure his followers that the rebellion was on course.

Scropes force is not known, Hardyng gives a strength of 20,000 men and the official record in parliamentary rolls gives 8-9k. Westmorland may well have bene outnumbered. Scrope had a number of the Yorkshire gentry, with their small retunues of trained men, and possibly some of Northumberland's men including those from his Spofforth and Tadcaster estates. The majority of the force was of peasants and townsfolk who alcked weapons and training. Scrope gave no indication of offering a fight. Westmorland recognised that he could defeat Scrope in the field but was unwilling to incur losses and delay, after a period of hesitation he sent a messenger to Scrope to ask his intentions.

Scrope replied that he did not wish to wage war and sent a copy of his manifesto to Wesmorland. Westmorland replied that he agreed with Scrope's proposals and wished to meet with him to discuss the matter. Scrope left his army, possibly reassured by his nephew Fitzhugh's assutance that to sdo so would be safe or by his high-status as archbishop. The Earl Marshal accompanied him, though he had serious misgivings over Westmorland;s intentions and Plumpton and a small number of others. They met Westmorland between the two armies. Westmorland assured the rebels that he would try to persuade the king to accept Scrope's manifesto.

Westmorland asked Scrope to tell his men that as they were in agreeement they shoudl disperse and return to York. Scrope agreed and his men, who had been in the field for three days and were likely intimidated by Westmorland's better equipped and trianed force, turned for home. The flight was disorderly with many keen to put as much distance between themselves and the scene of the rebellion as possible. With the army fleeing Westmorland struck, he seized Scrope and his party and turned northwards, probably intending to deal with any Cleveland rebels still in the field. The kign soon afterwards arrived in Yorkshire and ordered the execution of Scrope before marching on to Northumberland to deal with the reduction of Percy's castles. The turning poitn of the rebellion was Northumberland's decision not to combine fores after his initiall failure to deal with Westmorland.

Northumberland's decision to abandon Scrope seems to have led to some assuming they were separate rebellions.

Consequences

The rebel leaders were pubished rapidly and brutally, the Archbishop of York was executed.

The rebellion led to a temporary abeyance in the traditional Percy hegemony in Northumberland, lasting until 1416. Much of the Percy lands were forefeited with Prince John receiving Warkworth, Spofforth, Topcliffe and Leconfield,

The bulk of the lands were restored to the newly restored Second Earl of Northumberland in 1416. The period of Lancastrian administration had led to close links between Jogn and the local gentry, particularly around Knaresborough. During this time the Nevilles of Middleham (earls of Westmorland) became increasingly powerful.

Sir William Clifford joined the rebellion. He was previously in the service of Richard II but aligned himself to the Lancastrians and became a retainer of Henry IV. He came under the influence of the Earl of Northumberland and had also rebelled in 1403, but received a pardon. He was pardoned again in 1405 and for another rebellion in 1408. He remained a King's knight and served under Henry V also.

Thomas Neville, Lord Furnival served the king in Wales and the suppression of the 1405 rebellion.

Northumberland had the service of only 20 kngihts and esquires directly so relied on attracting the support of gentry with their own retainers.

The rebellion led Henry to increase the number of nobles appointed to the West Riding commission of the peace, rising from 11 to 19. additions included Ralph Neville, earl of Westmorland, William, Lord Roos of Helmsley and Peter, Lord Mauley of Mulgrave. During the 1405-1416 attainder the earls of Northumberland were not permitted to sit. Fell to 12 by the end of Henry IV's reign.

The king made grants to some of Percy's retainers in the years leading up to the rebellion, possibly an attempt to sway them to his cause. At least one, a West Riding knight named Sir Richard Tempest I, became a supporter of the king. After the rebellion Prince John was appointed constable of England.

The rising leaders, Mowbray, Scrope and Scope's nephew Sir William Plumpton I were executed at York on 8 June. Afterwards teh Sheriff of Yorkshire was ordered to gather men and march on Berwick. Berwick, Prudhoe and Warkworth castles fell by 2 July, leaving only Alnwick. Afterwards Northumberland, his grandson and Lord Bardolf fled to Scotland. In the aftermath the English crown strengthened its hold over the major offices in Yorkshire, including by appointing loyalist Sir William Dronsfield as sheriff. The king again demonstrated mercy issuing a proclamation in Yorkshire and Lincolnshire on 12 June that declared all those who rebelled could return to their homes safely and request pardons. Westmorland as well as William Gascoigne, Sir Richard Redman and Robert Waterton were given powers to grant pardons, which continued until at least 1408.

Even Plumpton's family were pardonned and grnats and annuities restored. Elizabeth Percy received some of the manors previously seized, including Tadcaster. Nortumberland and Bardolf remained in Scotland until 1406, when supported by teh French, they made an incursion itno Northumberland. In that year and 1407 there were rumours of groups of Englishmen gatehring in the north in support of Northumberland but when they returned to England again in 1408 they found little support and were defeated by the sheriff of Yorkshire Sir Thomas Rokeby, both Northumberland and Bardolf were killed in battle at Bramham Moor on 20 February. Some recipients of Northumberland's estates in the 1405 attainder were Prince John, Ralph, earl of Westmorland, and Queen Joan. John received Topcliffe, Leconfield, Cleatop, Giggleswick, Settle and Preston.

John also received the t baronies of Alnwick and Prudhoe in Northumberland, and was appointed surveyor of the temporalities of the archbishopric of York. Apparently Westmorland was originally to have received a larger share of the former Northumerland lands but some of these, oncluding Warkworth, and Spofforth were split between John and Joan. Joan received Wressle and Healaugh as well as Petworth in Sussex. Part of Spofforth was granted by teh king to Sir Thomas Rokeby in 1408 for his service at Bramham Moor.

Other recipients of the attainted property were Robert Waterton, Robert Mauleverer, Richard Tempest, Edmund Sandford, Thomas Markenfield, John Norton. A new Lancastrian hierarchy was established in the north after the rebellions, under the leadership of Prince John. John played a similar role in the north that his older brother Henry had performed in Wales, though his young age of 16 meant much of the role was delegated to Westmorland.

The important bishopric of Durham was granted to Lancastrian Thomas Langley in 1406. The king's expanding influence in th north may have contributed to the 1403 rebellion.

The Neville's position in the north was enhanced by the titles and land granted after the rebellion. He used the time to build a position that meant, by the time of Northumberland's restoration he was unassailable.

The resotarion of Northumberland was not completed with some maors retained by their new owners and teh Percy;s were unavle to reach the heights of their previous dominace in the north, though they were the principal family of Northumberland and Yorkshire.

Randolph See, John Colville of Dale and John Pudsey rebelled and were executed./ John Percy of Kildale and Richard Fairfax also rebelled.

Assessment

Northern rising was probably the most serious threat to Henry IV's throne during his reign. Little is known of the motives of the leaders and they have been little studied. The surrender of Scrope is probably the most well known part of the entire rising.

Bibliography

• Cross, Arthur Lyon (1914). A History of England and Greater Britain. Macmillan.
• McNiven, Peter (1971). "The betrayal of Archbishop Scrope". Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, Manchester. 54 (1).

Further reading

• Dodd, Gwilym; Biggs, Douglas (2003). 'They have the Hertes of the People by North': Northumberland, the Percies and Henry IV, 1399-1408 in: King, Andy Henry IV: The Establishment of the Regime, 1399-1406. Woodbridge, UK: York Medieval Press. pp. 139–159.