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History of Latinos and Hispanics in Politics

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Recounting History labeling "Hispanics" in politics

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The League of United Latin American Citizens, one of the oldest and largest Latino organizations in the United States, urges immigrants in the community to vote, in Des Moines, Iowa.

Contemporary Hispanic politics has roots in the 19th century when the American empire expanded to include Latin American and Caribbean populations. State efforts to incorporate and exclude Latino populations also played a role in shaping current Hispanic politics, as noted by scholars Guillermo (2017)[1], de la Garza & DeSipio[2] (2019), and Montejano (1987)[3]. Throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries, individuals of Mexican American descent residing in the Southwest and Puerto Ricans from the 1880s to the 1950s were often referred to using various terms. Today, the label "Hispanic" has been applied in retrospect to describe these groups, though it should be noted that this usage represents a modern interpretation of historical events. However, recognizing that they faced similar types of political exclusion and neglect that set them apart from other immigrant and native populations during this time is both accurate and important in understanding shared experiences.[2] Three historical circumstances and geographic realities can be highlighted, as they conflict somewhat with common understandings of the Hispanic communities' political past. [4]This gap between popular and scholarly understandings explains Congress's 1975 extension of the Voting Rights Act (VRA) to Latinos in 1975.

Disregarding Mexican American Rights

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Mexican Americans became part of the United States society with treaty-based assurances of land and repatriation rights, but these guarantees were quickly disregarded, leading to the dispossession of thousands of acres of land and political exclusion that continues to affect the Hispanic community today.[2] This disregard was rooted in racism, manifesting itself in various institutional policies, regulations, and laws designed to exclude Mexicans—impacting generations within Mexican American families by denying certain opportunities afforded by U.S. citizenship despite legally residing within U.S. borders. [5] The Chicano Movement of the 1960s and 1970s played an important role in challenging this exclusion (Rosales 1999, pp. 34-35).[6] It called for recognition of Mexican Americans as full citizens, as well as the promotion of bilingual education, an end to police brutality, and more representation in politics (Rosales 1999, p. 80)[6]. Despite the gains made by the Chicano Movement, however, Mexican Americans still often face discrimination and political exclusion today (Guillermo 2017)[1]. This history matters in the context of Latino politics because it highlights the long-standing exclusion of Latino Americans from the United States' political system, stemming from Mexican-American relations, and the struggle for representation and inclusion, which continues to this day.

Limited Representation and Political Exclusion

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Southwest machine politics provided some representation for Mexican Americans in office (Montejano, 1987).[3] [5] However, there was a false assumption that black/Latino needs were similar in 1975, ignoring the disproportionate violence faced by African Americans rather than Latinos—a rarely discussed reality (Guillermo 2017).[1] Similarly, Puerto Ricans faced periods of political exclusion and neglect due to New York City machine politics' decline since the mid-20th century[7] resulting in limited representation at different levels of government.[8] The government's pursuit for economic gain has driven it to marginalize access points for certain groups seeking those same economic gains (Chavez 2011).[7] Systemic discrimination can be seen through voting patterns between Latino/black populations which still existed as late as 2020 [9], highlighting an issue which must be addressed if the United States aims to decrease voter suppression tactics targeting minority groups.

Poor Civic Networks

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During the 19th and early 20th centuries, Latino civic networks were poorer than Black communities' civic networks because only some Latino elites had access to electoral or partisan opportunities—mainly those who held offices in Texas and New Mexico—while Black individuals weren't allowed to participate electorally (Pycior 1997).[8] Therefore, when third parties started gaining momentum among Hispanics, Hispanics/ Latinos couldn't capitalize on it due to their lack of resources (Velez-Ibanez 1983).[10] These long lasting results are reflected in Latino Politics today; Latino intersectionality varies greatly particularly economically as many immigrants are unable to access public funds such as welfare, TANF, SNAP, Medicaid, etc. without proper documentation. Thus, it is essential to understand the barriers related to Latino civic engagement including: English proficiency, wage oppression, educational disparities, etc.[11] Acknowledging the poor civic networks among Hispanics in the history of Latino and Hispanic politics is crucial to extend equitable opportunities, reduce poverty rates, and increase the number of electorates across all communities regardless of immigration status, income, wage gaps, race, educational attainment, etc.[6]

Latinos’ Views on Abortion, Gun Policy, LGBTQ Rights, and Socialism vs Capitalism

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When it comes to several major political issues, Latinos tend to have varied opinions. According to a report by the Pew Research Center (Lopez et al., 2020), here are some key findings[12]

Abortion

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When discussing Abortion policies, Hispanics will most likely favor abortion rights in most scenarios. The Pew Research Center survey shares that over half (57%) [12]of the Hispanic and Latino population, to some extent, support the legalization of abortion. A majority of 69%[12] of Hispanic/Latino Democrats and Democratic-leaning individuals support this view, in comparison to Hispanic/Latino Republicans and Republican-leaning individuals who less than half (39%) [12]support abortion policies. To compare these statistics with the U.S adult population, overall 62% of adults in the United States believe that abortion should be legal or at least some cases. Analyzing these numbers, its imperative to detail that 84%[12] of all U.S Democratic and Democratic-leaning voters are supportive of the legality of abortion, making this number higher than the percentage of Hispanic Democrats and Democratic-leaning voters who are supportive. On the other hand, about 60% [12]of Republicans and Republican-leaning individuals, including Hispanic Republicans, believe that abortion should be illegal in all or most cases.

Gun Rights and Policies

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When it comes to gun policies, the majority of Hispanics and Latinos (73%) [12]believe that controlling gun ownership should be prioritized over Americans' rights to own guns. This opinion is even more popular among Hispanic Democrats and Democratic-leaning Hispanic voters with 85%  prioritizing gun control over the right to bear arms. This can be compared to  Hispanic Republicans and Republican-leaning voters, with nearly half (45%)[12] supporting gun control over the right to own guns. In comparison, overall, a little over half the U.S. adult population (52%) [12] believes that controlling gun ownership should be the priority. The number significantly decreases with Republican Adults overall, with only 18% supporting stricter gun laws rather than the right to own guns. However, among Democratic and Democratic-leaning voters, both the majority of Democratic Hispanics (85%) [12]and Democratic U.S. adults overall (81%)[12] prioritize controlling gun ownership.

LGBTQ Rights

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DC Capital Pride
Washington DC- Latino Pride

Looking at support in the Latino community for LGBTQ rights, the topic of sex-same marriage is often a popular voting issue. according to a study by the Pew Research Center, While Identifying individuals who believing same sex marriage to neither be harmful or beneficial to society, the survey found approximately one-third of Hispanics [12]hold a neutral stance towards the legalization of same-sex marriage. On the other hand, only 37% [12]of Hispanic/Latino respondents expressed support for same-sex marriage, viewing it as a positive force for society. Further analyzing party ideology,  Hispanic Democrats and Democratic-leaning voters are more supportive of same-sex marriage compared to Latino Republicans and the Republican-leaning voting population, with 46%[12] of Democratic Latinos in support and less than half of Republicans, 21%[12] saying they are supportive of same-sex marriage. Following this ideology, the statistics are flipped when viewing opposition towards same-sex marriage with almost half of Hispanic Republicans (41%)[12] being more likely than Hispanic Democrats (20%)[12] to hold a negative view and be opposed to same-sex marriage.  Shifting the focus to the matter of transgender rights and promoting their social acceptance, a similar pattern is displayed.

Socialism vs Capitalism

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Latinos' views on socialism and capitalism have become a recently popular issue due to the vast amount of current immigrants from countries with socialist or communist governments either favoring or fearing socialist policies. According to a study by The Pew Research Center, nearly over half 53%[12] of Hispanic/Latino adults have a negative opinion of socialism, while more than less than 41% [12]hold a positive view. When examining feelings towards Capitalism, a majority of Hispanics have a favorable opinion of capitalism, with 54% holding a positive view compared to 41%[12] holding a negative opinion. Intertwining party ideology, Hispanic individuals who identify as Republicans or lean towards the Republican party tend to favor capitalism, with 68% [12]holding positive opinions. This percentage is higher than that among Hispanic Democrats and Democratic-leaning individuals, which stands at 50%.[12]

Split Views on Socialism

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When looking specifically at Hispanic Democrats and those who lean towards the Democratic party, it is evident that there is a split in opinions regarding socialism. Approximately half, or 50%[12], hold a favorable view, whereas the other half, or 48% [12], hold an unfavorable view. However, Hispanic Republicans and Republican supporters tend to view socialism more unfavorably, with 72%[12] having negative perceptions.

Age and Views on Socialism

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The views on socialism among different groups vary. Young Americans, including Latinos aged 18 to 29, have almost an equal split between positive and negative opinions, with 46% holding positive views and 50% holding negative impressions.[12] However, Hispanic Republicans and Republican supporters tend to view socialism more unfavorably, with 72%[12] having negative perceptions. A notable percentage of individuals aged 65% [12]and above, as well as those between the ages of 50% to 64%[12], hold unfavorable views toward socialism. Likewise, Latinos aged 30% to 49% [12]exhibit comparable tendencies in their perceptions of socialism. The Pew Research Center also discovered that Hispanics who place significant value on their Hispanic identity have varying opinions on socialism, with 47% holding favorable views and 48% expressing negative perspectives. However, those who consider their Hispanic identity less important tend to have a more negative view of socialism, with 62% expressing disapproval.[12]

Factors That Create Lack of Representation

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Given the dearth of Latino legislators, it is imperative to examine the impediments that obstruct the proper representation of Latinos in politics. Numerous of these are structural and demographic hindrances that prevent Latinos from getting equitable representation in government.[13]

The absence of resources available to Latino candidates, compared to their non-Latino competitors, is a significant impediment in filling the gap of Latinos in politics.[11] This shortage affects the potential for Latino hopefuls to run successful campaigns and compete with other contenders. [14]Furthermore, gerrymandering and redistricting often weaken Latino votes -- granting them less representation than they are entitled to have.

Latino candidates are often met with hesitation due to their lack of name recognition; without a notable record in public service, it's difficult for Latinos to win the trust and financial support of voters. This obstacle has been further complicated by the Trump Administration's strict immigration policies, discouraging many immigrants from participating in politics.[13]

The paucity of Latinos in the political process is a consequence not only of social barriers, but also of structural impediments that hinder access to education, wealth and resources. Native individuals are traditionally underrepresented in higher learning establishments which results in their inability to be competitive candidates as they lack educational backgrounds.[11] Additionally, continued economic disparities experienced by Latino communities make it difficult for them to fundraise or build assistance necessary for campaigning.

Multiple demographic hurdles, including language obstacles and voter registration impediments, often render Latinos underrepresented in the political process. [15] Moreover, district lines are frequently drawn to favor non-Latino populations which only further curtails Latino engagement with candidates and understanding of critical matters. Consequently, immigration status can be a roadblock for many Latinos who just want to have their voice heard through voting at election time.[13]

Despite these issues, some institutional factors can help increase Latino representation. For example, legislative term limits can give more people a chance to run for office, thereby enhancing diversity in government representation.[13] Furthermore, rising Latino-led interest groups have helped Latinos have a stronger political voice and advocate for their communities' policies. [11] Additionally, there has been an increase in Latino-based organizations that help build the skills necessary to run for office and provide resources to those who do.[15]

The Midterm Election (2022) Preferences of Latinos

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An August 2022 survey conducted by the Pew Research Center found that slightly more than half of Latino registered voters (53%)[12] said they would vote for or were leaning towards the Democratic candidate for the U.S. House of Representatives in their congressional district. This can be compared to the 28% of Latino/Hispanic voters who said they would vote for the Republican candidate. About one-in-five Latino voters (18%)[12] said they would vote for another candidate or are still determining whom they would vote for.

When looking at religious affiliation, A majority of Hispanic Catholics (59%)[12] and those labeled as religiously unaffiliated (60%)[12] (described themselves as atheists, agnostics, or “nothing in particular”) said they would vote for the Democratic candidate for the U.S. House in their congressional district. In comparison, when looking at Hispanic evangelical Christians, more said they would vote Republican than Democratic (50% vs. 32%)[12]

Thew pew Research Center study also found a strong connection between Hispanic identity and how Hispanic registered voters would vote. Most Hispanics who said being Hispanic/Latino was extremely or very important to how they think of themselves (60%)[12] would vote for the Democratic candidate in their local congressional district. Meanwhile, those who said being Hispanic is less important to their identity were more evenly split between voting for the Democratic and Republican candidates in their district’s House race (45% vs. 38%).[12]

Latinos’ Views of Biden and Trump

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Biden

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Analyzing the Pew Research Center data on the midterm elections, slightly less than half of Latino/Hispanic registered voters (45%)[12] said they approved of how Biden has been handling his job as president. However, Biden’s approval rating varied somewhat across demographic subgroups of Hispanic/Latino registered voters. When looking at Hispanic/Latino Democrats they hold largely positive views of Biden with nearly two-thirds of Hispanic Democrats and Democratic leaning individuals (65%)[12] approving of Biden's presidency, and substantial minority (34%)[12] disapproving. By contrast, nearly all Hispanic Republicans and Republican leaners (92%) [12]disapprove of Biden. Among Latino registered voters, only 29% of evangelical Christians approve of Biden’s job performance, while a greater share of Latino Catholics (53%)[12] and those with no religious affiliation (44%) [12]say the same. A greater share of Hispanic voters who say being Hispanic is important to how they think of themselves approve of Biden’s job performance than do Hispanics who say being Hispanic is less critical to their identity (52% vs. 37%)[12]

Trump

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Latinos for Trump signs at day four of the 2016 RNC

A great majority of Hispanic/Latino registered voters (73%)[12] said they would not like to see Trump remain a national political figure. Out of these Hispanics/Latinos, Hispanic/Latino Democrats and Democratic-leaning were extremely opposed to Trump's re-election with 94%[12] opposing Trump's participation in politics. In comparison, 63% of Hispanic/Latino Republicans and Republic-leaning individuals said they would want Trump to remain a national political figure, including about four in ten (41%)[12] Hispanic/Latino Republicans who said he should run for president in 2024. Among Latino registered voters, looking at their religious affiliations, Hispanic/Latino evangelicals are more in support of Trump's re election (43%)[12] compared to Hispanic and Latino Catholics that are 22%[12] more likely to say Trump should remain a national political figure. This is a bigger population compared to Hispanic and Latinos with no religious affiliation that are 18% [12] more likely to say Trump should remain a national political figure, and a quarter of Latino/Hispanic evangelical registered voters say Trump should run for president in 2024.

Spanish Language Media in relation to Politics:

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Latinos are an increasingly important demographic in American politics, yet they still face significant barriers to engagement and representation. Understanding the complex factors that shape Latino political behavior and mobilization is essential in understanding Latino representation in politics.[13]

Importance

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The Univision parade float in Boston's 2016 Dominican Parade.

Spanish-language media can bolster Latino political engagement and provide a much-needed space to communicate their immigrant identity. It is an effectual tool in influencing, validating, and amplifying the voices of Latinos.[16] It is imperative to amplify the political force of Latino communities by affirming their legitimacy. Spanish-language media stands out as an indispensable tool for Latinos due to disparities in language and access to news sources. Thus, it serves as a powerful means of catalyzing political involvement among the Latino Community.[16] Ethnicity is another factor that shapes Latino political behavior. Co-ethnic voting among Latinos is driven by shared identity, cultural and linguistic connections, and a belief in the candidate's ability to represent the community's needs. [11]At the same time, non-Latino voters may react negatively to Latino candidates due to biases and stereotypes. This underscores the need for candidates to develop campaign strategies and messages that resonate with diverse ethnic and racial groups.[13]

Ultimately, socioeconomic and political environments can impede Latinos from obtaining political representation. Redistricting, the primary system, poverty levels amongst Latino communities, educational qualifications of voters, and voter turnout all contribute to this underrepresentation.[13] Understanding the factors that shape Latino political behavior and mobilization is essential for building a more inclusive and representative democracy.[13]

  1. ^ a b c Ibarra, Guillermo, ed. (2017-09-21). "Americanism and Anti-Americanism of Mexican Immigrants in Los Angeles". University of Illinois Press. doi:10.5406/illinois/9780252040832.003.0030.
  2. ^ a b c de la Garza, Rodolfo O.; DeSipio, Louis, eds. (2019-04-09). "From Rhetoric to Reality". doi:10.4324/9780429041402. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  3. ^ a b Montejano, David (1987-12-31). "Anglos and Mexicans in the Making of Texas, 1836-1986". doi:10.7560/775664. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  4. ^ "Citizenship Revoked and the Realities of Displacement during World War II", Uprooting Community, University of Arizona Press, pp. 66–78, retrieved 2023-05-04
  5. ^ a b EARLE, REBECCA (2014-02). "Jorge J. E. Gracia (ed.), Forging People: Race, Ethnicity, and Nationality in Hispanic American and Latino/a Thought (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2011), pp. xix+349, $30.00, pb". Journal of Latin American Studies. 46 (1): 191–192. doi:10.1017/s0022216x13001636. ISSN 0022-216X. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  6. ^ a b c Rosales, F. Arturo (1999-12-31). "¡Pobre Raza!". doi:10.7560/770942. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  7. ^ a b "1. The Latino Threat Narrative", The Latino Threat, Stanford University Press, pp. 23–47, 2020-12-31, retrieved 2023-05-04
  8. ^ a b LBJ and Mexican Americans. University of Texas Press. 1997. ISBN 978-0-292-76277-0.
  9. ^ Montejano, David (1987-12-31). "Anglos and Mexicans in the Making of Texas, 1836-1986". doi:10.7560/775664. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  10. ^ Hanratty, Dennis M. (1988). "Church-State Relations in Mexico in the 1980s". Thought. 63 (3): 207–223. doi:10.5840/thought198863318. ISSN 0040-6457.
  11. ^ a b c d e McConnaughy, Corrine M.; White, Ismail K.; Leal, David L.; Casellas, Jason P. (2010-10). "A Latino on the Ballot: Explaining Coethnic Voting Among Latinos and the Response of White Americans". The Journal of Politics. 72 (4): 1199–1211. doi:10.1017/s0022381610000629. ISSN 0022-3816. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  12. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai aj ak al am an ao ap aq ar as at au av aw ax ay Nadeem, Reem (2022-09-29). "Most Latinos Say Democrats Care About Them and Work Hard for Their Vote, Far Fewer Say So of GOP". Pew Research Center Race & Ethnicity. Retrieved 2023-05-04.
  13. ^ a b c d e f g h CASELLAS, JASON P. (2009-08). "The Institutional and Demographic Determinants of Latino Representation". Legislative Studies Quarterly. 34 (3): 399–426. doi:10.3162/036298009788897781. ISSN 0362-9805. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  14. ^ "Black Like Who? Afro-Caribbean Immigrants, African Americans, and the Politics of Group Identity", Afro-Caribbean Immigrants and the Politics of Incorporation, Cambridge University Press, pp. 170–202, 2006-04-24, retrieved 2023-05-04
  15. ^ a b A., Valenzuela, Ali. Turnout, Status, and Identity Mobilizing Latinos to Vote with Group Appeals. OCLC 1305486515.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  16. ^ a b Sergio I. Garcia-Rios; Matt A. Barreto (2016). "Politicized Immigrant Identity, Spanish-Language Media, and Political Mobilization in 2012". RSF: The Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences. 2 (3): 78. doi:10.7758/rsf.2016.2.3.05. ISSN 2377-8253.
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