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South African National Students Congress
[edit]Overview
[edit]The South African National Student's Congress (SANSCO) was a student organisation founded in 1986. This was part of the process of re-branding the Azanian Students' Organisation (AZASO) to accommodate for a shift in ideologies from a focus on Black Consciousness (BC) to an adoption of a non-racialist approach. The enforcement of apartheid laws in South Africa meant that societal struggle infiltrated predominantly black higher education institutions[1], black workforce's too. These institutions include the University of Fort Hare (UFH), the University of the Western Cape (UWC) and the University of The North (Turfloop). SANSCO operated on a local-scale, mobilising groups of students to support the national efforts. SANSCO leadership, amongst which was Joe Phaala[2], the current health minister of South Africa, co-operated with other organisations such as the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS) to mobilise students in campaigns and protests. SANSCO continued up until 1991 when a merger was agreed into a single organisation for student representation, named the South African Students' Congress (SASCO)[2].
| ACRONYM | ORGANISATION |
|---|---|
| SANSCO | South African National Students Congress |
| SASCO | South African Students Congress |
| SASO | South African Students Organisation |
| AZASO | Azanian Students Organisation |
| NUSAS | National Union of South African Students |
| COSAS | Congress of South African Students |
| ANC | African National Congress |
| UDF | United Democratic Front |
Background
[edit]The apartheid era begun in 1948, an era of legalised racism filled with restrictive policies and enforced segregation. Education was subject to the racial stratification associated with apartheid[3]. Consequently, bodies of students formed to resist apartheid laws through collective action. One such group was the South African Students' Organisation (SASO), set up by Steve Biko in 1968 after increasing demand for a shift from NUSAS, who were not articulating the interests of black students[4]. Inspired by the black power movement in the USA, SASO characterised itself through black consciousness. The concept of black power was particularly dominant in colonies such as South Africa where white settlers lord it over blacks[5], resonating with the marginalised. SASO orchestrated a series of protests, boycotts, marches and sit-ins and meetings with students at a network of multiple universities. It is understood that the most notable event in SASO's era was the Soweto Uprising of 1976, where an estimated 20,000 students took to the streets of Soweto raising signs against the decree that would see Afrikaans, the language of the dutch colonial oppressors and the Nationalist Party, become the medium of instruction at black institutions[6]. The students were met by a fierce response in police opening fire on protesters, killing 176. The subsequent ban of SASO by the government and Steve Biko's death while being detained by police, both of which occurred in 1979, left a political vacuum. AZASO was launched in 1979 to fill the vacuum left by its predecessor[7], initially acting as a continuation, aligning with SASO's stance on black consciousness[2]. AZASO illustrated that political identity was not static, shifting from black consciousness to form a non racial multi-class alliance, collaborating with NUSAS, COSAS, The UDF and ANC[8]. This shift to greater adherence to the freedom charter saw AZASO renamed to SANSCO, which it would remain until 1991 when the alliance would strengthen seeing a merger of SANSCO and NUSAS to form SASCO.
Women in SANSCO
[edit]Women were severely underrepresented in SANSCO, accounting for 15% of members despite occupying 40% of places at universities. In addition to this, when women participated, it was often reduced to theoretical discussions rather than practical work on the ground[8]. It is important to note that this can be partially explained by the barriers to participation that women faced such as the patriarchal attitudes of society, devaluing the work of women. Furthermore, women feared being ostracised by their local communities if they were kicked off campus for political activity as opposed to being praised as a hero as males were[8]. Suzi Nkomo discussed the lack of seriousness in addressing the organisation of women, reflecting on her own experiences as an activist in SANSCO. Some men were of the opinion that women were only involved in activism for as long as their relationships with male activists lasted. As a result, less effort was made in organising structures in which women report back to and insufficient regional coordinators were employed[9]. Black, female, working class activists in SANSCO wanted to progress society away from patriarchy, racism and classism. It was on this topic that SANSCO women clashed with NUSAS women. It was widely accepted among SANSCO women that they were unable to align with NUSAS due to the ignorance of wider issues that black women face other than gender roles, issues as serious as survival[9]. Nevertheless, the two groups were still able to conduct some meetings and establish joint projects as well as meeting commitments such as boycotts in response to state brutality. The women's organiser for SANSCO suggested that leaders would be unable to account for women's positions in their respective branches/campuses[8]. This dislocation between genders could elucidate Nkomo's admission that the struggle against women's issues such as sexism did not advance in her time in SANSCO[9].
Key Moments
[edit]SANSCO acted as a catalyst for local mobilisation, in turn contributing to the effectiveness of the national campaigns in which it supported[8]. Between 1986-91, SANSCO launched numerous campaigns and protests with the goal of achieving a democratic socialist society. Campaigns were often hindered by government resistance and resistance was multi-dimensional. For Instance, the president issued decrees to change the rules for institutions and criminalise organisations, a method synonymous with the violent resistance the government authorised the police and the South African Defence Force (SADF). In the first six months of the 1985 partial state of emergency, 575 people were killed by political violence[2]. Furthermore, SANSCO reported that students were being subjected to arbitrary raids, assaults and harassment and assassination threats from the SADF during their occupation of turfloop[10]. One of SANSCO's campaigns looked to implement student and black representation at all power levels from the board to the cleaners [2], defending the autonomy of Student Representative Council's[8]. Furthermore, the organisation pushing universities to change policies, encouraging the expulsion of racist academics and academia and the inclusivity of black pupils on white campuses, demanding a removal of quotas.[8] A key campaign was that of the education charter but the success was limited.[8] In addition to these campaigns, SANSCO contributed massively to wider national campaigns run by NUSAS, COSAS, the ANC and UDF, notably the campaigns to repeal the death sentences of ANC guerillas in 1981, to free Mandela in the 1980s and to prevent an education bill that would see subsidies reduced to politically active campuses.[2][8] Despite operating locally on the majority, SANSCO launched the national campaign of 'one man, one vote' in collaboration with NUSAS in April 1981[2].
Achievements
[edit]Student movements can be assessed as greatly successful in South Africa, dissembling apartheid. The landscape of higher education was particularly affecting, experiencing a dramatic reshaping since the advent of democracy in 1994[11]. Following the un-banning of liberation movements involved in apartheid downfall, South Africa has to be conjured into existence from the rubble of a deeply divided past[12]. However, the opportunity to rebuild is a sign of great progress on the behalf of students. It is challenging to measure the success of SANSCO as an individual movement. Looking at SANSCO's education charter, it can be argued that it was of limited success with no major breakthroughs, however, many of its conceptions were taken up in the National Education Coordinating Committee (NECC) indicating a hint of success. Furthermore, SANSCO members and leaders went on to become high ranking officials in both the government and civil service. The combination of the non-racialist groups mentioned in this article have been able to instigate unprecedented progress. These groups were able to advance the freedom charter as a basis for South African transformation, eroding apartheid and inequality also[8]. Nelson Mandela acknowledged the work of SANSCO and NUSAS in forging unity among South African students, a key factor in building national unity[2]. This progress that SANSCO was a part of can be argued to be one of the most important historical predecessors of the global justice movement[13].
References
[edit]- ^ Stuurman, Sonwabo (2018). "Student activism in a time of crisis in South Africa: The quest for 'black power'". South African Journal of Education. 38(4): 1–8. doi:10.15700/saje.v38n4a1704 – via African Journals Online (AJOL).
- ^ a b c d e f g h "South African National Students Congress (SANSCO) | South African History Online". www.sahistory.org.za. Retrieved 2021-11-19.
- ^ Africa Fund (1988). "Students and Youth Under Apartheid": 1–2. doi:10.2307/al.sff.document.af000234 – via JSTOR.
{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires|journal=(help) - ^ Chapman, Rico Devara (2008). A culture of resistance: Student activism at the University of Fort Hare, South Africa, 1970–1994. ProQuest Dissertations Publishing.
- ^ Asheeke, Toivo (2019). "Black Power and Armed Decolonization in Southern Africa: Stokely Carmichael, the African National Congress of South Africa, and the African Liberation Movements, November 1967–December 1973". The Journal of African American History. 104(3): 415–444. doi:10.1086/704119.
- ^ Healy-Clancy, Meghan (2017). "The everyday politics of being a student in South Africa: A history". History compass. 15(3). doi:10.1111/hic3.12375.
- ^ Twala, Chitja (2018). "Student activism and contestation for political space at the former University of the North (Qwaqwa branch), 1986-1996". Journal for Contemporary History. 43 (1): 137–159. doi:10.18820/24150509/JCH43.v1.7.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Badat, Saleem (1999). Black student politics, higher education and apartheid : from SASO to SANSCO, 1968-1990. Pretoria: Human Sciences Research Council. ISBN 0-7969-1896-1. OCLC 43851667.
- ^ a b c Nkomo, Suzi (1991). "Organising Women in Sansco: Reflections on the Experience of Women in Organisation". Agenda: Empowering Women for Gender Equity. 7(10): 10–15. doi:10.2307/4065449 – via JSTOR.
- ^ Africa Fund (1989). "Detained to Death: Police Threaten to Murder Student Leaders". Struggles for Freedom: Southern Africa. doi:10.2307/al.sff.document.af000084 – via JSTOR.
- ^ Oxlund, Bjarke (2010). "Responding to university reform in South Africa: student activism at the University of Limpopo". Social Anthropology. 18 (1): 30–42. doi:10.1111/j.1469-8676.2009.00095.x.
- ^ Hart, Gillian (2014). Rethinking the South African Crisis: Nationalism, Populism, Hegemony. University of Georgia Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctt175736p. ISBN 978-0-8203-4725-7.
- ^ Ferguson, I.; Smith, L. (2012-07-01). "Education for Change: Student Placements in Campaigning Organisations and Social Movements in South Africa". British Journal of Social Work. 42 (5): 974–994. doi:10.1093/bjsw/bcr143. ISSN 0045-3102.