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Aemilius Adolphin/sandbox
AuthorMichel Houellebecq
Original titleExtension du domaine de la lutte
TranslatorPaul Hammond
LanguageFrench
PublisherÉditions Maurice Nadeau (French edition) |Serpent's Tail (British edition)
Publication date
1994
Publication placeFrance
Published in English
1998

Disruptive editing

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A disruptive editor often exhibits these tendencies:

  1. Is tendentious: continues editing an article or group of articles in pursuit of a certain point for an extended time despite opposition from other editors. Tendentious editors not only add material; some engage in disruptive deletions as well, e.g. repeatedly removing reliable sources posted by other editors.
  2. Is unwilling or unable to satisfy Wikipedia:Verifiability; fails to cite sources, cites unencyclopedic sources, misrepresents reliable sources, or performs original research.
  3. Engages in "disruptive cite-tagging"; adds unjustified {{citation needed}} or {{more citations needed}} tags to an article when the content tagged is already sourced, uses such tags to suggest that properly sourced article content is problematic.
  4. Fails to engage in consensus building:
    1. repeatedly disregards other editors' questions or requests for explanations concerning edits or objections to edits;
    2. repeatedly disregards other editors' explanations for their edits.
  5. Fails to recognize, rejects, or ignores community input: resists moderation and/or requests for comment, continuing to edit in pursuit of a certain point despite an opposing consensus from impartial editors.

Disputed articles

WP:Accuracy dispute

Centering text

<div style="text-align: center;">Centered text</div>

Italics

Invisible comment

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This discussion

This discussion

Talk:Australia#Religion, languages and info box

Talk:Australia/Archive 21#"Largest" City in Australia

Google N Gram viewer

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https://books.google.com/ngrams/

Wikipedia library

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https://wikipedialibrary.wmflabs.org/?markasread=241252045&markasreadwiki=enwiki

Archiving help

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Help:Archiving (plain and simple)

Reply to

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Is the template for pinging someone.

Non-breaking space

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26 January 1788

Attribution

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Added information including content from History of Australia; see that page's history for attribution

Recentism

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WP:RECENT

Proportion

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Don't give too much weight to a minor quote or aspect of subject: WP:PROPORTION

Writing about fiction

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Wikipedia:Manual of Style/Writing about fiction#Contextual presentation

Too much detail

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"The parent article should have general summary information, and child articles should expand in more detail on subtopics summarized in the parent article." Wikipedia:Summary style

"An article should not give undue weight to minor aspects of its subject but should strive to treat each aspect with a weight proportional to its treatment in the body of reliable, published material on the subject. For example, a description of isolated events, quotes, criticisms, or news reports related to one subject may be verifiable and impartial, but still disproportionate to their overall significance to the article topic. This is a concern especially for recent events that may be in the news." WP:PROPORTION

Problems that may justify removal WP:EDITING WP:DON'T PRESERVE

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Several of our core policies discuss situations when it might be more appropriate to remove information from an article rather than preserve it.

  • Verifiability discusses handling unsourced and contentious material
  • No original research discusses the need to remove original research
  • What Wikipedia is not describes material that is fundamentally inappropriate for Wikipedia
  • Undue weight discusses how to balance material that gives undue weight to a particular viewpoint, which might include removal of trivia, tiny minority viewpoints, or material that cannot be supported with high-quality sources

Also, redundancy within an article should be kept to a minimum (except in the lead, which is meant to be a summary of the entire article, and so is intentionally duplicative).

Libel, nonsense, and vandalism should be completely removed, as should material that violates copyright and material for which no reliable source that supports it has ever been published.

Contentious labels WP:CONTENTIOUS

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Words to watch: cult, racist, perverted, sexist, homophobic, transphobic, misogynistic, sect, fundamentalist, heretic, extremist, denialist, terrorist, freedom fighter, bigot, myth, neo-Nazi, -gate, pseudo-, controversial ...

Value-laden labels – such as calling an organization a cult, an individual a racist, sexist, terrorist, or freedom fighter, or a sexual practice a perversion – may express contentious opinion and are best avoided unless widely used by reliable sources to describe the subject, in which case use in-text attribution. Avoid myth in its informal sense, and establish the scholarly context for any formal use of the term.

The prefix pseudo- indicates something false or spurious, which may be debatable. The suffix ‑gate suggests the existence of a scandal. Use these in articles only when they are in wide use externally, e.g. Gamergate (harassment campaign), with in-text attribution if in doubt. Rather than describing an individual using the subjective and vague term controversial, instead give readers information about relevant controversies. Make sure, as well, that reliable sources establish the existence of a controversy and that the term is not used to grant a fringe viewpoint undue weight.

For the term pseudoscience: per the policy Wikipedia:Neutral point of view, pseudoscientific views "should be clearly described as such". Per the content guideline Wikipedia:Fringe theories, the term pseudoscience, if supported by reliable sources, may be used to distinguish fringe theories from mainstream science.

Academic sources

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"If available, academic and peer-reviewed publications are usually the most reliable sources on topics such as history, medicine, and science." WP:Source

Age matters

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"Especially in scientific and academic fields, older sources may be inaccurate because new information has been brought to light, new theories proposed, or vocabulary changed." WP:AGE MATTERS

Isolated studies

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"Isolated studies – Isolated studies are usually considered tentative and may change in the light of further academic research. If the isolated study is a primary source, it should generally not be used if there are secondary sources that cover the same content. The reliability of a single study depends on the field. Avoid undue weight when using single studies in such fields." WP:SCHOLARSHIP

Foreign sources

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Citations to non-English reliable sources are allowed on the English Wikipedia. However, because this project is in English, English-language sources are preferred over non-English ones when they are available and of equal quality and relevance. As with sources in English, if a dispute arises involving a citation to a non-English source, editors may request a quotation of relevant portions of the original source be provided, either in text, in a footnote, or on the article talk page. (See Template:Request quotation.) WP:NONENG

Reply to

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Is the template for pinging someone.

My user pages

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User: Aemilius Adolphin/Slavery draft

Original research

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No original research. [[WP:originalresearch]]

Pronunciation

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Australian English pronunciation: [ˈmælbən]

Trivia

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Neutrality

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Céline

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Works cited

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  • Gibault, François (1985). Céline: 3e partie. Cavalier de l'Apocalypse (1944–1961). Paris: Mercure de France. ISBN 2-7152-1247-X.
  • Empson, William (1935). Some Versions of Pastoral. Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books (published 1966).
  • Jünger, Ernst (2019). "Chapter I, First Parisian Journal". A German Officer in Occupied Paris: The War Journals, 1941-1945. Columbia University Press. ISBN 9780231548380.
  • McCarthy, Patrick (1976). Céline. New York: The Viking Press.
  • O'Connell, David (1976). Louis-Ferdinand Céline. Boston: Twayne Publishers. ISBN 978-0-8057-6256-3.
  • Sautermeister, Christine (2013). Louis Ferdinand Céline à Sigmaringen Novembre 1944 – Mars 1945: Chronique d´un séjour controversé. Paris: Édition Écriture. ISBN 978-2-35905-095-0.
  • Thomas, Merlin (1980). Louis-Ferdinand Céline. New York: New Direction. ISBN 0-8112-0754-4.
  • Vitoux, Frédéric (1992). Céline: A Biography. New York. ISBN 1-55778-255-5.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)

Further Reading

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  • Buckley, William K. (1989). Critical Essays on Louis-Ferdinand Céline. Boston: G. K. Hall. ISBN 0816188416.
  • Catani, Damian (2021). Céline: Journeys to the Extreme. Reaktion Books. ISBN 978-1-78914-467-3.
  • Hewitt, Nicholas (1987). The Golden Age of Louis-Ferdinand Céline. Berg Publishers. ISBN 0854965246.
  • Hindus, Milton (1997). Céline: The Crippled Giant. Routledge. ISBN 1560009527.
  • Knapp, Bettina (1974). Céline: Man of Hate. University of Alabama Press. ISBN 0817376062.
  • Ostrovsky, Erica (1967). Céline and his Vision. New York: New York University Press.

Genocide in Australia

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Expanded lead to better summarise article and reflect new content. See Talk

Hello all

I have expanded the lead so that it better summarises the article.

Happy to discuss

Lead (new)

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Many scholars have argued that the British colonisation of Australia and subsequent actions of various Australian governments and individuals involved acts of genocide against Indigenous Australians.[1] They have used numerous definitions of genocide including the intentional destruction of Indigenous groups as defined in the 1948 United Nations genocide convention, or broader definitions involving cultural genocide, ethnocide and genocidal massacres.[2][3] They have frequently cited the near extermination of Aboriginal Tasmanians,[4] mass killings during the frontier wars,[5] forced removals of Indigenous children from their families (now known as the Stolen Generations),[6] and policies of forced assimilation as genocidal.[7]

When Britain established its first Australian colony in 1788, the Aboriginal population is estimated to have been 300,000 to more than one million people[8][9][10] comprising about 600 tribes or nations and 250 languages with various dialects.[11][12] By 1901 the Aboriginal population had fallen to just over 90,000 people, mainly due to disease, frontier violence and the disruption of traditional society.[8] In the 20th century many Aboriginal people were confined to reserves, missions and institutions, and government regulations controlled most aspects of their lives. Thousands of Indigenous children of mixed heritage were removed from their families.[13]

There is an ongoing debate over whether imperial, colonial and Australian governments intended to destroy Indigenous peoples in whole or in part, or whether their intention was to end resistance to settler colonisalism, protect Indigenous people from settler violence and promote the welfare of Indigenous people by assimilating them into British-Australian society.[1] There is also debate over whether the legal definition of genocide sufficiently captures the range of harm inflicted on the Indigenous peoples of Australia.[14] Since 1997 the state, territory and federal governments of Australia have formally apologised for the stolen generations and for other injustices against Indigenous Australians.[15]

Lead (old)

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Many historians have argued that Indigenous Australians were victims of genocide, involving systematic and deliberate actions taken primarily by British colonists and their descendants aimed at eradicating Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultures, languages, and people. [Unsourced. This is not the definition of genocide.] Posited motivations for genocide varied, and included a desire to preserve a "white Australia",[16] or assimilating Indigenous populations "for their own good".[17] [Removed. Motivation is irrelevant. Only genocidel intent is relevant.]

There is debate among concurring scholars and Indigenous people about the exact definition and type of genocide that has occurred.[18][19][20] Actions of settlers against Indigenous Australians includes mass killings during the frontier wars, forced removals of children (now known as the Stolen Generations), and policies of forced assimilation by various Australian government as acts of genocide. hat sought to extinguish Indigenous Australian identity and cultural practices.[21][22] These actions have variously been described as terrorism, ethnocide, and genocide, including cultural genocide, against the Indigenous peoples.[23][24] [Replaced with better sources. Jalata is not a reknowned scholar and doesn't know the difference between English and British. Looks like junk source.]


Added content to clarify main points of debate. See Talk

Scholarly debate

I have further expanded this section to clarify the main points of debate. I have reworded some content to better reflect the content of the cited sources.

Scholarly debate (new version)

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There is an ongoing scholarly debate about whether there were acts of genocide in Australia and, if so, the form they took.[25] Robert van Krieken argues that the debate often involves how broadly the concept of genocide ought to be understood. Narrow conceptions of genocide, such as that in the UN convention, are restricted to killing and other forms of physical elimination, whereas the broader definition includes other ways a human group can be destroyed, including the destruction of cultural identity.[26]

Scholars are also divided over whether colonists and Australian governments acted with an intention to destroy Indigenous peoples in whole or in part and therefore committed genocide as defined by the UN convention. Reynolds argues that while some settlers and colonial officials talked of extermination of Aboriginal people in the context of the frontier wars, this was not official policy and killing of Aboriginal groups ended once their violent resistance to colonisation ended.[27] Barta, however, argues that conflict between an expanding settlement and traditional owners of the land established "relations of genocide" and that a genocidal intent can be inferred from the actions of government agents which were contrary to declared policy.[28]

Many scholars argue that the actions taken against Indigenous Australians were not systematic or intentional like other genocidal events.[29] Others also argue that the high death toll among Indigenous Australians following colonisation was mainly a result of the introduction of diseases, and that deliberate acts of violence and the effects of dispossession did not meet the legal definition of genocide.[30][31] Lawyer Michael Legge, however, concludes: "Australia's record on Indigenous Australians is at best ambiguous, and at worst an example of genocide by eugenics".[32]

Scholarly debate (old version)

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There remains ongoing debate about the characterisation of the historical events that Indigenous Australians faced as a form of "genocide".[33][page needed] Some argue that the actions meet the legal definition outlined in the United Nations Genocide Convention, while others express a contrary view. Scholars such as Robert van Krieken have argued that the debate often involves a continuing dispute as to how broadly the concept of genocide ought to be understood. Narrow conceptions of genocide are restricted to killing, whereas the broader definition includes other ways a human group can be "eliminated", including the destruction of cultural identity.[34][page needed] Some scholars have said in relation to this "Australia's record on Indigenous Australians is at best ambiguous, and at worst an example of genocide by eugenics".[32] [Moved as concluding summary opinion.]

Many scholars argue that the actions taken against Indigenous Australians were not systematic or intentional like other genocidal events.[35] Others also argue that the high death toll among Indigenous Australians following colonisation was mainly a result of the introduction of diseases, and that deliberate acts of violence and the effects of dispossession did not meet the legal definition of genocide.[36][37] Another issue is the impact of displacement of Indigenous Australians.[37] [Remove. Many indigenous people were displaced from their traditional lands, but displacement isn't a critera for genocide. The article uses the word in the context of post-modern gibberish.]

Alleged acts of genocide (old version)

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Some acts of genocide perpetrated against Indigenous Australians included:

  1. Massacres:[38][39] particularly in the frontier wars, there were numerous recorded and unrecorded deliberate massacres of Indigenous Australians by colonists, and by Australian State Police and militias.[40] These acts were often carried out pre-emptively, or in retaliation against, violent resistance by Indigenous Australians against the occupation of their lands.[41] In some instances massacres were carried out merely due to motivations involving hatred and racial prejudice of the perpetrator. [Struck out unsourced statement. Replace Bruce Elder reference with a scholarly source (Ryan 2023).]
  2. Dispersal campaigns. Some scholars have described dispersal campaigns undertaken in the 1800s, aimed at dispersing and displacing indigenous Australians from their lands as a form of genocide.[42] An example of this was a collaboration between settlers and government authorities Western Australia to erase the presence of Indigenous Australians from the southwest of WA between 1900 and 1940.[43] [More accurate wording.]
  3. Forced removals: policies enacted by Australian state governments involved the forced removal of Indigenous children from their families.[44][45] A well-known example of this practice has been acknowledged by the term "Stolen Generations",[46] whereby children were placed in institutions or forcibly adopted by non-Indigenous families with the intent of assimilating them into white society, and discouraging indigenous languages and culture.[47][48][49] These policies were sometimes undertaken by eugenicists, such as A. O. Neville, and argued for on the basis of ostensible "benefits" bestowed upon victims of the practice.[50] [Source doesn't say this. Used more accurate wording.] It was a common early 20th century view that Indigenous Australians were dying out.[51] Neville was quoted in 1937 as saying:[52]

"Are we going to have a population of 1,000,000 blacks in the Commonwealth, or are we going to merge them into our white community and eventually forget that there ever were any aborigines in Australia?"

  1. Assimilation policies: other legislation and policies were designed to assimilate Indigenous Australians into European-Australian society.[53] In many schools, children were punished for speaking their native language. Additional restrictions were placed on movement, marriage, employment, and the practice of traditional ceremonies and legal systems.[54] Collectively, these policies have been argued by some scholars as an act of cultural genocide. Some scholars have argued against the characterisation of these policies after 1945 as genocidal in intent, and have argued that they were aimed instead at ensuring survival of indigenous peoples.[7]
  2. Ongoing cultural genocidal policies: a minority of scholars consider genocidal structuring dynamics continue to operate in Australia, however the opinions of these scholars are a distinct minority opinion in genocide scholarship and popular discourse.[42]
  3. Ongoing economic genocidal policies: several authors have viewed coercive government economic programs targeted at Aboriginal people, such as the cashless debit card, as a form of "redemptive violence" contributing to the ongoing cultural genocide of Indigenous peoples via legitimising their continued cultural and economic assimilation.[55][56] Deleted. Sources do not support content. they do not state that there was economic genocide and this term is not defined and not generally accepted among genocide scholars. One source cites Altman as arguing that work for the dole and welfare debit cards are a form of cultural genocide, but the argument is not developed.

Add these sources

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Evans, Raymond (2023). "Genocide in Northern Australia, 1824-1928". In Kiernan, Ben; Blackhawk, Ned; Madley, Benjamin; Taylor, Rebe (eds.). The Cambridge World History of Genocide. Vol. II: Genocide in the Indigenous, Early Modern and Imperial Worlds, from c.1535 to World War One. Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/9781108765480. ISBN 978-1-108-48643-9.

Flood, Josephine (2019). The Original Australians: The Story of the Aboriginal People (2nd ed.). Crows Nest, NSW: Allen & Unwin. ISBN 9781760527075.

Haebich, Anna; Kinnane, Steve (2013). "Indigenous Australia". In Bashford, Alison; Macintyre, Stuart (eds.). The Cambridge History of Australia, Volume 2: The Commonwealth of Australia. Port Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781107011540.

Kiernan, Ben; Madley, Benjamin; Taylor, Rebe (2023). "Introduction to Volume II". In Kiernan, Ben; Blackhawk, Ned; Madley, Benjamin; Taylor, Rebe (eds.). The Cambridge World History of Genocide. Vol. II: Genocide in the Indigenous, Early Modern and Imperial Worlds, from c.1535 to World War One. Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/9781108765480. ISBN 978-1-108-48643-9.

McCalman, Janet; Kippen, Rebecca (2013). "Population and health". In Bashford, Alison; Macintyre, Stuart (eds.). The Cambridge History of Australia, Volume 1, Indigenous and Colonial Australia. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-1070-1153-3.

Ryan, Lyndall (2023). "Frontier Massacres in Australia, 1788-1928". In Kiernan, Ben; Blackhawk, Ned; Madley, Benjamin; Taylor, Rebe (eds.). The Cambridge World History of Genocide. Vol. II: Genocide in the Indigenous, Early Modern and Imperial Worlds, from c.1535 to World War One. Cambridge University Press. pp. 461–480. doi:10.1017/9781108765480. ISBN 978-1-108-48643-9.

van Krieken, Robert (2008). "Cultural Genocide in Australia". In Stone, Dan (ed.). The Historiography of Genocide. Baisingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 9781403992192.

Veth, Peter; O'Connor, Sue (2013). "The past 50,000 years: an archaeological view". In Bashford, Alison; MacIntyre, Stuart (eds.). The Cambridge History of Australia, Volume 1, Indigenous and Colonial Australia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-107-01153-3.

Leftover stuff

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The colonisation of Australia by the British, starting in 1788, marked the beginning of a catastrophic impact on the Indigenous populations, who had lived continuously on the continent for over 80,000 years prior to European settlement.[57][58][59] Some of the catastrophic impacts upon the indigenous population came about somewhat inadvertently (e.g. those caused by disease introduction, or agricultural displacement[60]). However, other impacts upon the population were more deliberate, and would fairly be described by modern scholars as historical acts of genocide.[61]

The segregation of Aboriginal people on reserves and in institutions was never systematically accomplished due to funding constraints, differing policy priorities in the states and territories, and resistance from Aboriginal people. In the more densely settled areas of Australia, about 20 per cent of Aboriginal people lived on reserves in the 1920s. The majority lived in camps on the fringes of country towns and a small percentage lived in cities. During the Great Depression more Aboriginal people moved to reserves and missions for food and shelter. By 1941 almost half of the Aboriginal population of New South Wales lived on reserves.[62]

In northern Australia, the majority of employed Aboriginal people worked in the pastoral industry where they lived in camps, often with their extended families. Many also camped on the margins of towns and reserves where they could avoid most of the controls imposed by the administrators of reserves, compounds and missions.[63]

The 1937 Native Welfare conference of state and Commonwealth officials endorsed a policy of biological absorption of mixed-descent Aboriginal Australians into the white community.

[T]he destiny of the natives of aboriginal origin, but not of the full blood, lies in their ultimate absorption by the people of the Commonwealth and it therefore recommends that all efforts be directed to that end.[64]

The officials saw the policy of Aboriginal assimilation by absorption into the white community as progressive, aimed at eventually achieving civil and economic equality for mixed-descent Aboriginal people.[64]

... efforts of all State authorities should be directed towards the education of children of mixed aboriginal blood at white standards, and their subsequent employment under the same conditions as whites with a view to their taking their place in the white community on an equal footing with the whites.[65]

The following decades saw an increase in the number of Aboriginal Australians of mixed descent removed from their families, although the states and territories progressively adopted a policy of cultural, rather than biological, assimilation, and justified removals on the grounds of child welfare.[66] In 1940, New South Wales became the first state to introduce a child welfare model whereby Aboriginal children of mixed descent were removed from their families under general welfare provisions by court order. Other jurisdictions introduced a welfare model after the war.[65]

Sources

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Banivanua Mar, Tracey; Edmonds, Penelope (2013). "Indigenous and settler relations". In Bashford, Alison; Macintyre, Stuart (eds.). The Cambridge History of Australia, Volume 1, Indigenous and Colonial Australia. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-1070-1153-3.

Barta, Tony (2023). "A Very British Genocide: Acknowledgement of Indigenous Destruction in the Founding of Australia and New Zealand". In Kiernan, Ben; Blackhawk, Ned; Madley, Benjamin; Taylor, Rebe (eds.). The Cambridge World History of Genocide. Vol. II: Genocide in the Indigenous, Early Modern and Imperial Worlds, from c.1535 to World War One. Cambridge University Press. pp. 46–68. doi:10.1017/9781108765480. ISBN 978-1-108-48643-9.

Bashford, Alison; Macintyre, Stuart, eds. (2013). The Cambridge History of Australia, Volume 1, Indigenous and Colonial Australia. Port Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-1070-1153-3.

Bashford, Alison; Macintyre, Stuart, eds. (2013). The Cambridge History of Australia, Volume 2: The Commonwealth of Australia. Port Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781107011540.

Biggar, Nigel (2023). Colonialism: a Moral Reckoning. London: Wiliam Collins. ISBN 9780008511647.

Blainey, Geoffrey (2015). The Story of Australia's People: The Rise and Fall of Ancient Australia. Sydney and Melbourne: Viking. ISBN 9780670078714.

Bowern, Claire, ed. (2013). The Oxford Guide to Australian Languages. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780198824978.

Broome, Richard (2019). Aboriginal Australians: A history since 1788 (5th ed.). Crowsnest, NSW: Allen & Unwin. ISBN 9781760528218.

Clark, Anna; Ashton, Paul (eds.) (2013). Australian History Now. Sydney: NewSouth Publishing. ISBN 9781742233710.

Evans, Julie; Grimshaw, Patricia; Philips, David; Swain, Shurlee (2003). Equal subjects, unequal rights: Indigenous peoples in British settler colonies, 1830–1910 (PDF). Manchester University Press. doi:10.7228/manchester/9780719060038.001.0001. ISBN 978-0-71906-003-8. Archived (PDF) from the original on 8 February 2023. Retrieved 7 February 2023.

Evans, Raymond (2023). "Genocide in Northern Australia, 1824-1928". In Kiernan, Ben; Blackhawk, Ned; Madley, Benjamin; Taylor, Rebe (eds.). The Cambridge World History of Genocide. Vol. II: Genocide in the Indigenous, Early Modern and Imperial Worlds, from c.1535 to World War One. Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/9781108765480. ISBN 978-1-108-48643-9.

Flood, Josephine (2019). The Original Australians: The Story of the Aboriginal People (2nd ed.). Crows Nest, NSW: Allen & Unwin. ISBN 9781760527075.

Ford, Lisa; Roberts, David Andrew (2013). "Expansion, 1820–1850". In Bashford, Alison; Macintyre, Stuart (eds.). The Cambridge History of Australia, Volume 1, Indigenous and Colonial Australia. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-1070-1153-3.

Haebich, Anna; Kinnane, Steve (2013). "Indigenous Australia". In Bashford, Alison; Macintyre, Stuart (eds.). The Cambridge History of Australia, Volume 2: The Commonwealth of Australia. Port Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781107011540.

Hirst, John (2014). Australian History in 7 Questions. Melbourne: Black Inc. ISBN 9781863956703.

Johnson, Louise C.; Luckins, Tanja; Walker, David (2022). The Story of Australia. London and New York: Routledge. ISBN 9781760297084.

Johnson, Murray; McFarlane, Ian (2015). Van Diemen's Land: An Aboriginal History. University of New South Wales Press. ISBN 9781742234212.

Karskens, Grace (2013). "The early colonial presence, 1788–1822". In Bashford, Alison; Macintyre, Stuart (eds.). The Cambridge History of Australia, Volume 1, Indigenous and Colonial Australia. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-1070-1153-3.

Kiernan, Ben; Madley, Benjamin; Taylor, Rebe (2023). "Introduction to Volume II". In Kiernan, Ben; Blackhawk, Ned; Madley, Benjamin; Taylor, Rebe (eds.). The Cambridge World History of Genocide. Vol. II: Genocide in the Indigenous, Early Modern and Imperial Worlds, from c.1535 to World War One. Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/9781108765480. ISBN 978-1-108-48643-9.

McCalman, Janet; Kippen, Rebecca (2013). "Population and health". In Bashford, Alison; Macintyre, Stuart (eds.). The Cambridge History of Australia, Volume 1, Indigenous and Colonial Australia. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-1070-1153-3.

MacIntyre, Stuart; Clark, Anna (2004). The History Wars (2nd ed.). Melbourne: Melbourne University Press. ISBN 0522851282.

Macintyre, Stuart (1999). "Australia and the Empire". In Winks, Robin (ed.). The Oxford History of the British Empire: Volume V: Historiography. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780191542411.

Macintyre, Stuart; Clark, Anna (2004). The History Wars (2nd ed.). Melbourne: Melbourne University Press. ISBN 0522851282.

Macintyre, Stuart (2020). A Concise History of Australia (5th ed.). Port Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781108728485.

Reynolds, Henry (2001). An Indelible Stain?: The Question of Genocide in Australian History. Ringwood, Victoria: Viking. ISBN 0670912204.

Reynolds, Henry (2012). A History of Tasmania. Melbourne and New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521548373.

Reynolds, Henry (2022). Forgotten War (2nd ed.). Sydney: NewSouth. ISBN 9781742237596.

Ryan, Lyndall (2023). "Frontier Massacres in Australia, 1788-1928". In Kiernan, Ben; Blackhawk, Ned; Madley, Benjamin; Taylor, Rebe (eds.). The Cambridge World History of Genocide. Vol. II: Genocide in the Indigenous, Early Modern and Imperial Worlds, from c.1535 to World War One. Cambridge University Press. pp. 461–480. doi:10.1017/9781108765480. ISBN 978-1-108-48643-9.

Veth, Peter; O'Connor, Sue (2013). "The past 50,000 years: an archaeological view". In Bashford, Alison; MacIntyre, Stuart (eds.). The Cambridge History of Australia, Volume 1, Indigenous and Colonial Australia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-107-01153-3.

Unformatted

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Adhikari, Mohamed (25 July 2022). Destroying to Replace: Settler Genocides of Indigenous Peoples. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company. ISBN 978-1647920548.

Boyce, James (2010). Van Diemen's Land. Melbourne: Black Inc. ISBN 978-1-86395-491-4.

Evans, Raymond (2012). ""Pigmentia": Racial Fears and White Australia". In Moses, A. Dirk (ed.). Genocide and Settler Society: Frontier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History. Berghahn Books. pp. 103–124. doi:10.2307/j.ctt9qdg7m.9. ISBN 9781782381693. JSTOR j.ctt9qdg7m.9.

Haebich, Anna (1992). For Their Own Good: Aborigines and Government in the South West of Western Australia, 1900–1940 (2nd ed.). Nedlands, Western Australia.

Haebich, Anna (2012). ""Clearing the Wheat Belt": Erasing the Indigenous Presence in the Southwest of Western Australia". In Moses, A. Dirk (ed.). Genocide and Settler Society: Frontier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History. pp. 267–289. doi:10.2307/j.ctt9qdg7m.16. ISBN 9781782381693. JSTOR j.ctt9qdg7m.16.

Hughes, Robert (1987). The Fatal Shore. London: Pan. ISBN 0-330-29892-5.

Kociumbas, Jan (2012). "Genocide and Modernity in Colonial Australia, 1788-1850". In Moses, A. Dirk (ed.). Genocide and Settler Society: Frontier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History. Berghahn Books. pp. 77–102. doi:10.2307/j.ctt9qdg7m.8. ISBN 9781782381693. JSTOR j.ctt9qdg7m.8.

Lawson, Tom (2014). The Last Man. London: I.B. Taurus. ISBN 978-1-78076-626-3.

Madley, Benjamin (2004). "Patterns of frontier genocide 1803–1910: the aboriginal Tasmanians, the Yuki of California, and the Herero of Namibia". Journal of Genocide Research. 6 (2): 167–192. doi:10.1080/1462352042000225930. S2CID 145079658.

Manne, Robert (2012). "Aboriginal Child Removal and the Question of Genocide, 1900–1940". In Moses, A. Dirk (ed.). Genocide and Settler Society: Frontier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History. Berghahn Books. pp. 217–243. doi:10.2307/j.ctt9qdg7m.14. ISBN 9781782381693. JSTOR j.ctt9qdg7m.14.

McGregor, Russell (2012). "Governance, Not Genocide: Aboriginal Assimilation in the Postwar Era". In Moses, A. Dirk (ed.). Genocide and Settler Society: Frontier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History. Berghahn Books. pp. 290–311. doi:10.2307/j.ctt9qdg7m.17. ISBN 9781782381693. JSTOR j.ctt9qdg7m.17.

Moses, A. Dirk (2012). "Genocide and Settler Society in Australian History". In Moses, A. Dirk (ed.). Genocide and Settler Society: Frontier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History. Berghahn Books. pp. 3–48. doi:10.2307/j.ctt9qdg7m.6. ISBN 9781782381693. JSTOR j.ctt9qdg7m.6.

Ørsted-Jensen, Robert (2011). Frontier History Revisited – Queensland and the 'History War'. Cooparoo, Brisbane, Qld: Lux Mundi Publishing. ISBN 9781466386822.

Reynolds, Henry (2001). An Indelible Stain?: The Question of Genocide in Australia's History. Sydney: Penguin. ISBN 978-0-67091-220-9.

Ryan, Lyndall (2012). Tasmanian Aborigines. Sydney: Allen & Unwin. ISBN 978-1-74237-068-2.

Sousa, Ashley Riley (2004). ""They will be hunted down like wild beasts and destroyed!": a comparative study of genocide in California and Tasmania". Journal of Genocide Research. 6 (2): 193–209. doi:10.1080/1462352042000225949. S2CID 109131060.

Napoleonic nobility

[edit]

Dalí as "Marqués de Dalí de Púbol" Archived 30 June 2012 at archive.today – Boletín Oficial del Estado, the official gazette of the Spanish government

Hello there[67]

Historiography of Australia

[edit]

"South Australian women gain the vote: Overview". Parliament South Australia. Retrieved 5 September 2024.

Bashford, Alison; MacIntyre, Stuart (eds.) (2013). The Cambridge History of Australia, Volume 1, Indigenous and Colonial Australia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-1070-1153-3.

Bashford, Alison; Macintyre, Stuart (eds.) (2013). The Cambridge History of Australia, Volume 2: The Commonwealth of Australia. Port Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781107011540.

Biggar, Nigel (2023). Colonialism: a Moral Reckoning. London: Wiliam Collins. ISBN 9780008511647.

Bowern, Claire, ed. (2013). The Oxford Guide to Australian Languages. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780198824978.

Broome, Richard (2019). Aboriginal Australians: A history since 1788 (5th ed.). Crowsnest, NSW: Allen & Unwin. ISBN 9781760528218.

Clark, Anna; Ashton, Paul (eds.) (2013). Australian History Now. Sydney: NewSouth Publishing. ISBN 9781742233710.

Flood, Josephine (2019). The Original Australians: The Story of the Aboriginal People (2nd ed.). Crows Nest, NSW: Allen & Unwin. ISBN 9781760527075.

Ford, Roger; Blake, Thom (1998). Indigenous Peoples in Southeast Queensland: an annotated guide to ethno-historical sources. Woolloonbabba, Qld: The Foundation for Aboriginal and Islander Research Action. ISBN 1876487003.

Jefferies, Anthony (2013). "Leichhardt: His contribution to Australian Aboriginal linguistics and ethnography 1843-44". Memoirs of the Queensland Museum – Culture 7(2): 633-652. Brisbane. ISSN 1440-4788. 7 (2): 634–652. ISSN 1440-4788.

Johnson, Murray; McFarlane, Ian (2015). Van Diemen's Land: An Aboriginal History. University of New South Wales Press. ISBN 9781742234212.

MacIntyre, Stuart; Clark, Anna (2004). The History Wars (2nd ed.). Melbourne: Melbourne University Press. ISBN 0522851282.

Macintyre, Stuart (1999). "Australia and the Empire". In Winks, Robin (ed.). The Oxford History of the British Empire: Volume V: Historiography. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780191542411.

Reynolds, Henry (2012). A History of Tasmania. Melbourne and New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521548373.

Veth, Peter; O'Connor, Sue (2013). "The past 50,000 years: an archaeological view". In Bashford, Alison; MacIntyre, Stuart (eds.). The Cambridge History of Australia, Volume 1, Indigenous and Colonial Australia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-107-01153-3.



Turrbal people

[edit]

History of Indigenous Australia

[edit]

Lead

[edit]

The history of Indigenous Australians began 50,000 to 65,000 years ago when humans first populated the Australian continental landmasses.[68][69][70][71] This article covers the history of Aboriginal Australian and Torres Strait Islander peoples, two broadly defined groups which each include other sub-groups defined by language and culture. Human habitation of the Australian continent began with the migration of the ancestors of today's Aboriginal Australians by land bridges and short sea crossings from what is now Southeast Asia.[72] The Aboriginal people spread throughout the continent, adapting to diverse environments and climate change to develop one of the oldest continuous cultures on Earth.[73][74]

The earliest evidence of humans in Australia has been variously estimated, with most scholars, as of 2023, dating it between 50,000 and 65,000 years BP.[70][75][76][77]

Culture (new version)

[edit]

Torres Strait Islanders were culturally and linguistically distinct from mainland Aboriginal peoples. They were seafarers and obtained their livelihood from seasonal horticulture and the resources of their reefs and seas. Villages and agriculture also developed on some islands.[78][79]

Munich agreement

[edit]

Background

[edit]

Czechoslovakia and defence treaties

[edit]

The First Czechoslovak Republic was created in 1918 after the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire at the end of World War I. The Treaty of Saint-Germain recognized the independence of Czechoslovakia and the Treaty of Trianon defined the borders of the new state, which was divided in to the regions of Bohemia and Moravia in the west and Slovakia and Subcarpathian Rus' in the east.[80]

Czechoslovakia sought to protect its territory from possible German, Austrian and Hungarian ambitions with a series of international agreements including treaties with Romania (1921), Yugoslavia (1921), France (1924 and 1925) and the Soviet Union (1935).[81] The 1925 Franco-Czechoslovak Treaty of Mutual Assistance committed France to provide military help to Czechoslovakia in the case of unprovoked German aggression. The 1935 Soviet-Czechoslovak Treaty of Mutual Assistance committed the Soviet Union to also provide military help to Czechoslovakia if the Franco-Czechoslovakia treaty were triggered.[82]

Demands for Sudeten German autonomy

[edit]

Czechoslovakia included more than three million ethnic Germans, who made up about 23% of the population. The Germans lived mostly in the mountainous regions of Bohemia and Moravia which bordered on Germany and the newly created country of Austria. These regions came to be called the Sudetenland.[83][84]

The Sudeten Germans had not been consulted on whether they wished to be citizens of Czechoslovakia. Although the constitution guaranteed equality for all citizens, there was a tendency among political leaders to transform the country "into an instrument of Czech and Slovak nationalism."[85] Some progress was made to integrate the Germans and other minorities, but they continued to be underrepresented in the government and the army. Moreover, the Great Depression, beginning in 1929, disproportionately affected the highly industrialized and export-oriented Sudetenland. By 1936, the region asccounted for 60 percent of unemployed people in Czechoslovakia.[84]

In 1933, Sudeten German leader Konrad Henlein founded the Sudeten German Party (SdP), which was populist and hostile to the Czechoslovak government. It was heavily subsidized by Nazi Germany and soon captured two-thirds of the vote in districts with a large German population.[86][87] By 1935, the SdP was the largest political party in Czechoslovakia as German votes concentrated on this party, and Czech and Slovak votes were spread among several parties.[88]

Shortly after Germany's annexation of Austria, Henlein met with Hitler in Berlin on 28 March 1938, and was instructed to make demands unacceptable to the democratic Czechoslovak government, led by President Edvard Beneš. On 24 April, the SdP issued a series of demands known as the Carlsbad Programme which included autonomy for Germans in Czechoslovakia.[89] The Czechoslovak government responded by saying that it was willing to provide more rights to the German minority but would not grant autonomy.[86]

The SdP gained 88% of the ethnic German votes in May 1938.[90] [move to appropriate place].

With tension high between the Germans and the Czechoslovak government, Beneš, on 15 September 1938, secretly offered to give 6,000 square kilometres (2,300 sq mi) of Czechoslovakia to Germany, in exchange for a German agreement to admit 1.5 to 2.0 million Sudeten Germans expelled by Czechoslovakia. Hitler did not reply.[91] [Move.]

Sudeten crisis

[edit]

As the previous appeasement of Hitler had shown, France and Britain were intent on avoiding war. The French government did not wish to face Germany alone and took its lead from British Conservative government of Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain. He considered the Sudeten German grievances justified and believed Hitler's intentions to be limited. Both Britain and France, therefore, advised Czechoslovakia to accede to Henlein's demands. Beneš resisted and, on 19 May, initiated a partial mobilization in response to German troop movements on the border.[92]

On 20 May, Hitler presented his generals with a draft plan of attack on Czechoslovakia that was codenamed Operation Green.[93] He insisted that he would not "smash Czechoslovakia" militarily without "provocation", "a particularly favourable opportunity" or "adequate political justification."[94] Ten days later, Hitler signed a directive for war against Czechoslovakia to begin no later than 1 October.[95]

On 22 May, Juliusz Łukasiewicz, the Polish ambassador to France, told French Foreign Minister Georges Bonnet that if France moved against Germany to defend Czechoslovakia, "We shall not move." Łukasiewicz also told Bonnet that Poland would oppose any attempt by Soviet forces to defend Czechoslovakia from Germany. Édouard Daladier told Jakob Surits [ru; de], the Soviet ambassador to France, "Not only can we not count on Polish support but we have no faith that Poland will not strike us in the back."[96] However, the Polish government indicated multiple times (in March 1936 and May, June and August 1938) that it was prepared to fight Germany if the French decided to help Czechoslovakia: "Beck's proposal to Bonnet, his statements to Ambassador Drexel Biddle, and the statement noted by Vansittart, show that the Polish foreign minister was, indeed, prepared to carry out a radical change of policy if the Western powers decided on war with Germany. However, these proposals and statements did not elicit any reaction from British and French governments that were bent on averting war by appeasing Germany."[97] [Tangential. Summarise or move]

In the meantime, the British government demanded that Beneš request a mediator. Not wishing to sever his government's ties with Western Europe, Beneš reluctantly accepted. The British appointed Lord Runciman, a former Liberal cabinet minister, who arrived in Prague on 3 August with instructions to persuade Beneš to agree to a plan acceptable to the Sudeten Germans.[98] On 20 July, Bonnet told the Czechoslovak ambassador in Paris that while France would declare its support in public to help the Czechoslovak negotiations, it was not prepared to go to war over Sudetenland.[98] In August, the German press was full of stories alleging Czechoslovak atrocities against Sudeten Germans, with the intention of forcing the West into putting pressure on the Czechoslovaks to make concessions.[99] Hitler hoped that the Czechoslovaks would refuse and that the West would then feel morally justified in leaving the Czechoslovaks to their fate.[100] In August, Germany sent 750,000 soldiers along the border of Czechoslovakia, officially as part of army maneuvres.[86][100] On 4 or 5 September,[98] Beneš submitted the Fourth Plan, granting nearly all the demands of the agreement. The Sudeten Germans were under instruction from Hitler to avoid a compromise,[100] and the SdP held demonstrations that provoked a police action in Ostrava on 7 September, in which two of their parliamentary deputies were arrested.[98] The Sudeten Germans used the incident and false allegations of other atrocities as an excuse to break off further negotiations.[98][101]

On 12 September, Hitler made a speech at a Nazi Party rally in Nuremberg on the Sudeten crisis condemning the actions of the government of Czechoslovakia.[86] Hitler denounced Czechoslovakia as being a fraudulent state that was in violation of international law's emphasis of national self-determination, claiming it was a Czech hegemony although the Germans, the Slovaks, the Hungarians, the Ukrainians and the Poles of the country actually wanted to be in a union with the Czechs.[102] Hitler accused Beneš of seeking to gradually exterminate the Sudeten Germans and claimed that since Czechoslovakia's creation, over 600,000 Germans had been intentionally forced out of their homes under the threat of starvation if they did not leave.[103] He alleged that Beneš's government was persecuting Germans along with Hungarians, Poles, and Slovaks and accused Beneš of threatening the nationalities with being branded traitors if they were not loyal to the country.[102] He stated that he, as the head of state of Germany, would support the right of the self-determination of fellow Germans in the Sudetenland.[102] He condemned Beneš for his government's recent execution of several German protesters.[102] He accused Beneš of being belligerent and threatening behaviour towards Germany which, if war broke out, would result in Beneš forcing Sudeten Germans to fight against their will against Germans from Germany.[102] Hitler accused the government of Czechoslovakia of being a client regime of France, claiming that the French Minister of Aviation Pierre Cot had said, "We need this state as a base from which to drop bombs with greater ease to destroy Germany's economy and its industry."[103]

On 28 May, Hitler called a meeting of his service chiefs, ordered an acceleration of U-boat construction and brought forward the construction of his new battleships, Bismarck and Tirpitz, to spring 1940. He demanded that the increase in the firepower of the battleships Scharnhorst and Gneisenau be accelerated.[95] While recognizing that this would still be insufficient for a full-scale naval war with Britain, Hitler hoped it would be a sufficient deterrent.[104] [Remove. Tangential to Sudeten crisis.]

Hitler's adjutant, Fritz Wiedemann, recalled after the war that he was "very shocked" by Hitler's new plans to attack Britain and France three to four years after "deal[ing] with the situation" in Czechoslovakia.[105] General Ludwig Beck, chief of the German general staff, noted that Hitler's change of heart in favour of quick action was because Czechoslovak defences were still being improvised, which would no longer be the case two to three years later, and British rearmament would not come into effect until 1941 or 1942.[104] General Alfred Jodl noted in his diary that the partial Czechoslovak mobilization of 21 May had led Hitler to issue a new order for Operation Green on 30 May and that it was accompanied by a covering letter from Wilhelm Keitel that stated that the plan must be implemented by 1 October at the very latest.[104] [Removed. Repeated information. Tangential.]

Sources

[edit]

Heimann, Mary (2011). Czechoslovakia: the State that Failed. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. ISBN 9780300141474.

Gadigal

[edit]

The colonisation of the land by British settlers and the subsequent introduction of infectious diseases including smallpox decimated the Gadigal people and their neighbours. The 1789 smallpox epidemic was estimated to have killed about 50% of the Eora population, with only three Gadigal survivors.[106][107][108][a] However, archaeological evidence suggests that some Gadigal people may have escaped to the Concord area and settled there.[110]

Black War

[edit]

Hello there.[111]

Sources

[edit]

Add:

Bowern, Claire, ed. (2013). The Oxford Guide to Australian Languages. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780198824978.

Ford, Roger; Blake, Thom (1998). Indigenous Peoples in Southeast Queensland: an annotated guide to ethno-historical sources. Woolloonbabba, Qld: The Foundation for Aboriginal and Islander Research Action. ISBN 1876487003.

Jefferies, Anthony (2013). "Leichhardt: His contribution to Australian Aboriginal linguistics and ethnography 1843-44". Memoirs of the Queensland Museum – Culture 7(2): 633-652. Brisbane. ISSN 1440-4788. 7 (2): 634–652. ISSN 1440-4788.

Turrbal people

[edit]

Lead

[edit]

The Turrbal are an Aboriginal Australian people from the area now known as Brisbane. The boundaries of their traditional territory are unclear and linguists are divided over whether they spoke a separate language[112] or a dialect of the Yuggera language.[113] The Turrbal/Yuggera word for the central Brisbane area is Meanjin[114] (sometimes spelt Meeanjin or Mianjin).

Country

[edit]

The Turrbal people's traditional lands lay around the Brisbane River. Tom Petrie stated that their traditional land coincided with the territorial range of their language.[115] Ford and Blake, however, state that the Turrbal and Jagera were distinct peoples, the Jagera generally living south of the Brisbane river and the Turrbal mostly living north.[116] Neighbouring Aboriginal peoples include the Gubbi Gubbi and Wakka Wakka to the north, the Dalla to the northwest and the Quandamooka of Moreton Bay.[117]

At the time of European settlement, the Turrbul people comprised local groups each of which had a "head man" and a specific territory.[118] The European names for the locality groups, sometimes called clans, of the Brisbane area include the Duke of York's clan, the North Pine (or Petrie), the Coorpooroo, Chepara, Yerongpan and others.[119][120]

Despite collective title to a stretch of land, the Turrbal permitted private ownership of specific sections of land. Petrie states:

Though the land belonged to the whole tribe, the head men often spoke of it as theirs. The tribe in general owned the animals and birds on the ground, also roots and nests, but certain men and women owned different fruit or flower-trees and shrubs. For instance, a man could own a bonyi (Araucaria bidwilli) tree, and a woman a minti (Banksia amula), dulandella (Persoonia Sp.), midyim (Myrtus tenuifolia), or dakkabin (Xanthorrhoea aborea) tree. Then a man sometimes owned a portion of the river which was a good fishing spot, and no one else could fish there without his permission.[121]

Sources

[edit]

Bowern, Claire, ed. (2013). The Oxford Guide to Australian Languages. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780198824978.

Ford, Roger; Blake, Thom (1998). Indigenous Peoples in Southeast Queensland: an annotated guide to ethno-historical sources. Woolloonbabba, Qld: The Foundation for Aboriginal and Islander Research Action. ISBN 1876487003.

Sandy on behalf of the Yugara People v State of Queensland (No 2) [2015] FCA 15 (27 January 2015), Federal Court (Australia)

Dixon, Robert M. W. (2002). Australian Languages: Their Nature and Development. Vol. 1. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-47378-1.

Sources

[edit]

Dixon, R. M. W. (2002). Australian Languages: Their Nature and Development. Cambridge University Press. [Access thru SLQ online]

Sandy on behalf of the Yugara People v State of Queensland (No 2) [2015] FCA 15 (27 January 2015), Federal Court (Australia) [Own copy]

Petrie, Constance Campbell; Petrie, Tom (1904). Tom Petrie's reminiscences of early Queensland (dating from 1837). Cornell University Library. Brisbane: Watson, Ferguson & co. – via Internet Archive.

Steele, John Gladstone (2015). Aboriginal Pathways: in Southeast Queensland and the Richmond River. University of Queensland Press. ISBN 978-0-702-25742-1. [Access tru Internet Archive]

Tindale, Norman Barnett (1974). "Jagara (QLD)". Aboriginal Tribes of Australia: Their Terrain, Environmental Controls, Distribution, Limits, and Proper Names. Australian National University Press. [Copy on PC]

Watson, F. J. (1944). "Vocabularies of four representative tribes of South Eastern Queensland: with grammatical notes thereof and some notes on manners and customs, also, a list of Aboriginal place names and their derivations". Journal of The Royal Geographical Society of Australasia. 48 (34). Brisbane. OCLC 682056722. [Access thru Trove and SQL online]]

Bowern, Claire, ed. (2013). The Oxford Guide to Australian Languages. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780198824978.

Ford, Roger; Blake, Thom (1998). Indigenous Peoples in Southeast Queensland: an annotated guide to ethno-historical sources. Woolloonbabba, Qld: The Foundation for Aboriginal and Islander Research Action. ISBN 1876487003.

Jefferies, Anthony. "Leichhardt: His contribution to Australian Aboriginal linguistics and ethnography 1843-44". Memoirs of the Queensland Museum – Culture 7(2): 633-652. Brisbane. ISSN 1440-4788. 7 (2): 604. ISSN 1440-4788.

Genocide in Australia

[edit]

The earliest evidence of humans in Australia has been variously estimated, with most scholars, as of 2023, dating it between 50,000 and 65,000 years BP.[70][75][76][77]

Historical context

[edit]

When Britain established its first Australian colony in 1788, the Aboriginal population is estimated to have been 300,000 to one million people[122][123][10] whose ancestors had inhabited the land for 50,000 to 65,000 years.[70][75][76][77] They were complex hunter-gatherers with diverse economies and societies. There were about 600 tribes or nations and 250 languages with various dialects.[11][124] In the 150 years that followed, the number of Indigenous Australians fell sharply due to introduced diseases and violent conflict with the colonists.[122]

When the Australian colonies federated in 1901 and the Commonwealth of Australia was established, the Aboriginal population had fallen to just over 90,000 people.[122] Government policies regarding Indigenous peoples varied from state to state. Many Indigenous Australians were confined to reserves and missions .

The Torres Strait Islander people first settled their islands around 4,000 years ago. Culturally and linguistically distinct from mainland Aboriginal peoples, they were seafarers and obtained their livelihood from seasonal horticulture and the resources of their reefs and seas. Agriculture also developed on some islands. Villages had appeared in their areas by the 14th century.[125][126]

The British Empire established a penal colony at Botany Bay in 1788. In the 150 years that followed, the number of Indigenous Australians fell sharply due to introduced diseases and violent conflict with the colonists.

The colonisation of Australia by the British, starting in 1788, marked the beginning of a catastrophic impact on the Indigenous populations, who had lived continuously on the continent for over 80,000 years prior to European settlement.[57][58][59] Some of the catastrophic impacts upon the indigenous population came about somewhat inadvertently (e.g. those caused by disease introduction, or agricultural displacement[60]). However, other impacts upon the population were more deliberate, and would fairly be described by modern scholars as historical acts of genocide.[61]

Following federation Aboriginal affairs was a state responsibility, although the Commonwealth became responsible for the Aboriginal population of the Northern Territory from 1911. By that date the Commonwealth and all states except Tasmania had passed legislation establishing Protectors of Aborigines and Protection Boards with extensive powers to regulate the lives of Aboriginal Australians including their ownership of property, place of residence, employment, sexual relationships and custody of their children. Reserves were established, ostensibly for the protection of the Aboriginal population who had been dispossessed of their land. Church groups also ran missions throughout Australia providing shelter, food, religious instruction and elementary schooling for Indigenous people.[127]

Some officials were concerned by the growing number of Aboriginal children of mixed heritage, particularly in northern Australia where large Indigenous, South Sea Islander and Asian populations were seen as inconsistent with the white Australia policy. Laws concerning Aboriginal Australians were progressively tightened to make it easier for officials to remove Aboriginal children of mixed descent from their parents and place them in reserves, missions, institutions and employment with white employers.[128]

The segregation of Aboriginal people on reserves and in institutions was never systematically accomplished due to funding constraints, differing policy priorities in the states and territories, and resistance from Aboriginal people. In the more densely settled areas of Australia, about 20 per cent of Aboriginal people lived on reserves in the 1920s. The majority lived in camps on the fringes of country towns and a small percentage lived in cities. During the Great Depression more Aboriginal people moved to reserves and missions for food and shelter. By 1941 almost half of the Aboriginal population of New South Wales lived on reserves.[62]

In northern Australia, the majority of employed Aboriginal people worked in the pastoral industry where they lived in camps, often with their extended families. Many also camped on the margins of towns and reserves where they could avoid most of the controls imposed by the administrators of reserves, compounds and missions.[63]

The 1937 Native Welfare conference of state and Commonwealth officials endorsed a policy of biological absorption of mixed-descent Aboriginal Australians into the white community.

[T]he destiny of the natives of aboriginal origin, but not of the full blood, lies in their ultimate absorption by the people of the Commonwealth and it therefore recommends that all efforts be directed to that end.[64]

The officials saw the policy of Aboriginal assimilation by absorption into the white community as progressive, aimed at eventually achieving civil and economic equality for mixed-descent Aboriginal people.[64]

... efforts of all State authorities should be directed towards the education of children of mixed aboriginal blood at white standards, and their subsequent employment under the same conditions as whites with a view to their taking their place in the white community on an equal footing with the whites.[65]

The following decades saw an increase in the number of Aboriginal Australians of mixed descent removed from their families, although the states and territories progressively adopted a policy of cultural, rather than biological, assimilation, and justified removals on the grounds of child welfare.[66] In 1940, New South Wales became the first state to introduce a child welfare model whereby Aboriginal children of mixed descent were removed from their families under general welfare provisions by court order. Other jurisdictions introduced a welfare model after the war.[65]

Sources

[edit]

Adhikari, Mohamed (25 July 2022). Destroying to Replace: Settler Genocides of Indigenous Peoples. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company. ISBN 978-1647920548.

Boyce, James (2010). Van Diemen's Land. Melbourne: Black Inc. ISBN 978-1-86395-491-4.

Evans, Raymond (2012). ""Pigmentia": Racial Fears and White Australia". In Moses, A. Dirk (ed.). Genocide and Settler Society: Frontier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History. Berghahn Books. pp. 103–124. doi:10.2307/j.ctt9qdg7m.9. ISBN 9781782381693. JSTOR j.ctt9qdg7m.9.

Haebich, Anna (1992). For Their Own Good: Aborigines and Government in the South West of Western Australia, 1900–1940 (2nd ed.). Nedlands, Western Australia.

Haebich, Anna (2012). ""Clearing the Wheat Belt": Erasing the Indigenous Presence in the Southwest of Western Australia". In Moses, A. Dirk (ed.). Genocide and Settler Society: Frontier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History. pp. 267–289. doi:10.2307/j.ctt9qdg7m.16. ISBN 9781782381693. JSTOR j.ctt9qdg7m.16.

Hughes, Robert (1987). The Fatal Shore. London: Pan. ISBN 0-330-29892-5.

Kociumbas, Jan (2012). "Genocide and Modernity in Colonial Australia, 1788-1850". In Moses, A. Dirk (ed.). Genocide and Settler Society: Frontier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History. Berghahn Books. pp. 77–102. doi:10.2307/j.ctt9qdg7m.8. ISBN 9781782381693. JSTOR j.ctt9qdg7m.8.

Lawson, Tom (2014). The Last Man. London: I.B. Taurus. ISBN 978-1-78076-626-3.

Madley, Benjamin (2004). "Patterns of frontier genocide 1803–1910: the aboriginal Tasmanians, the Yuki of California, and the Herero of Namibia". Journal of Genocide Research. 6 (2): 167–192. doi:10.1080/1462352042000225930. S2CID 145079658.

Manne, Robert (2012). "Aboriginal Child Removal and the Question of Genocide, 1900–1940". In Moses, A. Dirk (ed.). Genocide and Settler Society: Frontier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History. Berghahn Books. pp. 217–243. doi:10.2307/j.ctt9qdg7m.14. ISBN 9781782381693. JSTOR j.ctt9qdg7m.14.

McGregor, Russell (2012). "Governance, Not Genocide: Aboriginal Assimilation in the Postwar Era". In Moses, A. Dirk (ed.). Genocide and Settler Society: Frontier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History. Berghahn Books. pp. 290–311. doi:10.2307/j.ctt9qdg7m.17. ISBN 9781782381693. JSTOR j.ctt9qdg7m.17.

Moses, A. Dirk (2012). "Genocide and Settler Society in Australian History". In Moses, A. Dirk (ed.). Genocide and Settler Society: Frontier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History. Berghahn Books. pp. 3–48. doi:10.2307/j.ctt9qdg7m.6. ISBN 9781782381693. JSTOR j.ctt9qdg7m.6.

Ørsted-Jensen, Robert (2011). Frontier History Revisited – Queensland and the 'History War'. Cooparoo, Brisbane, Qld: Lux Mundi Publishing. ISBN 9781466386822.

Reynolds, Henry (2001). An Indelible Stain?: The Question of Genocide in Australia's History. Sydney: Penguin. ISBN 978-0-67091-220-9.

Ryan, Lyndall (2012). Tasmanian Aborigines. Sydney: Allen & Unwin. ISBN 978-1-74237-068-2.

Sousa, Ashley Riley (2004). ""They will be hunted down like wild beasts and destroyed!": a comparative study of genocide in California and Tasmania". Journal of Genocide Research. 6 (2): 193–209. doi:10.1080/1462352042000225949. S2CID 109131060.

James Cook

[edit]
Blainey (2020), "Cook's [1767] voyage has become more controversial, especially in Australia where his discovery and its consequences are now questioned by Aboriginal leaders and by many historians. In Sydney his statue was recently vandalised. The great navigator is branded as an invader and destroyer."[129]
Stephen Gapps (2020) states, " In the broader strategic sense – as all 18th and early 19th century scientific voyages were – Cook’s voyages were part of a European drive to conquer. The aim was to claim resources and trade in support of the British Empire’s expansion."[130]
Nicholas Thomas (2003), states, " It has to be acknowledged, also, that he was in the business of dispossession: he claimed inhabited islands and land right around the Pacific for the Crown."[131]
Thomas also: "Yet when we damn Cook for inaugurating the business of colonization, we are in underlying agreement with traditional Cook idealizers – we are seeing the explorer above all as a founder or precursor…" pp xxxii-xxxiii
In summary, few in the current debate over Cook's legacy are stating that he colonised anything himself. they are stating that he "enabled" British colonisation and imperialism in the South pacific by "claiming possession" of dozens of inhabited places for Britain. Trying to suppress this in the article is ridiculous: it is the dominent view of Cook in recent scholarship and political discussion. The words acedaemics and other commentators use to describe Cook;s role include: "the usher of the colonial land grab – the doorman for British invasion in 1788…" ; "Captain James Cook arrived in the Pacific 250 years ago, triggering British colonisation of the region."; "[We must] confront Cook’s legacy not as the projected shining icon of Enlightenment, but as a mythic presence built on deliberate theft, dispossession and violence." ; "Cook's [1767] voyage has become more controversial, especially in Australia where his discovery and its consequences are now questioned by Aboriginal leaders and by many historians."

Cooman

[edit]

William Charles Wentworth was prominent in this process, but his proposal for an hereditary upper house was widely ridiculed and not adoped.[132][133]

Policy on reversions:

Exceptional claims require exceptional sources[edit source]

[edit]

Shortcuts

  • WP:REDFLAG
  • WP:EXCEPTIONAL
  • WP:EXTRAORDINARY
  • WP:ECREE

See also: Sagan standard and Wikipedia:Fringe theories

Any exceptional claim requires multiple high-quality sources. Warnings (red flags) that should prompt extra caution include:

  • Surprising or apparently important claims not covered by multiple mainstream sources;
  • Challenged claims that are supported purely by primary or self-published sources or those with an apparent conflict of interest;
  • Reports of a statement by someone that seems out of character or against an interest they had previously defended;
  • Claims contradicted by the prevailing view within the relevant community or that would significantly alter mainstream assumptions—especially in science, medicine, history, politics, and biographies of living and recently dead people. This is especially true when proponents say there is a conspiracy to silence them.
  • Avoid stating seriously contested assertions as facts. If different reliable sources make conflicting assertions about a matter, treat these assertions as opinions rather than facts, and do not present them as direct statements. WP:VOICE
  • If available, academic and peer-reviewed publications are usually the most reliable sources on topics such as history, medicine, and science. WP:SOURCES
  • Any exceptional claim requires multiple high-quality sources. WP:Exceptional.
  • Wikipedia is not a forum for advocating a particular theory. WP:NOTADVOCACY. You might well believe the theory that a man called Cooman was one of the Aboriginal men who confronted Cook, but Wikipedia is not the place to try to prove this. Once it is widely accepted by mainstream historians we can incorporate it into all the relevant articles..

Definitions

[edit]
  • Self identification as Indigenous peoples
  • cultural difference from other groups in a state
  • an historical link with those who inhabited a country or region at the time when people of different cultures or ethnic origins arrived, invaded or colonized
  • a special relationship with their traditional territory
  • a strong link to territories and surrounding natural resources
  • an experience of subjugation and discrimination under a dominant cultural model
  • marginalized and discriminated against by the state
  • distinct social, economic or political systems
  • A distinct language, culture and beliefs
  • They maintain and develop their ancestral environments and systems as distinct peoples

Indigenous references

[edit]

Office of the High Commissioner, United Nations Human Rights (2013). "Indigenous Peoples and the United Nations Human Rights System, Fact Sheet No. 9/Rev.2" (PDF). United Nations. Retrieved 1 January 2024.Secretariat of the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (2009). "State of the World's Indigenous Peoples, ST/ESA/328" (PDF). United Nations. Retrieved 1 January 2024.

Secretariat of the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues. "Who are Indigenous Peoples?" (PDF). United Nations. Retrieved 1 January 2024.

French Revolution

[edit]

Between 1700 and 1789, the French population grew from an estimated 21 to 28 million, while Paris alone had over 600,000 inhabitants, of whom roughly one third had no regular work.[134] [This is an interesting article, but as far as I can see nowhere on the cited page or in the entire article does it talk about French population growth, the population of Paris or the proportion without regular work.]

The problem lay in the assessment and collection of the taxes used to fund government expenditure. Rates varied widely from one region to another, were often different from the official amounts, and collected inconsistently. Complexity, as much as the financial burden, caused resentment among all taxpayers; although the nobility paid significantly less than other classes, they complained just as much.[135] [b] [This, (Chanel, 2015) is an excellent article, but we already say elsewhere that the tax system was inefficient and complex. The key problem, as the article itself states, is that the tax burden mainly fell on peasants. Nobles and clergy paid much less tax, and they resisted reforms that would make them pay more unless they got real political benefits in return. It's also OR and synthesis to link this article to the previous one because it implies that the "real cause" of the Revolution wasn't debt financing of the War but rather the complexity of the tax system. However, this article explicilty states that the debt crisis was a real problem. It is NOT saying that the problem would have been solved if the tax system was less complex. It also fails to mention that a tax system geared to agriculture failed to pick up the new wealth created in finance and overseas trade. These points are all made in the Financial and Political crisis section. Why have another, distorted, explanation of the financial crisis here?]

To assist delegates, each region completed a list of grievances, known as Cahiers de doléances.[137] Although they contained ideas that would have seemed radical only months before, most supported the monarchy, and assumed the Estates-General would agree to financial reforms, rather than fundamental constitutional change.[138] [Citation is Doyle's Very short history p. 38. It's actually p. 39 and says this: "An amazing range of grievances and aspirations were articulated in what amounted to the first public opinion poll of modern times. Suddenly changes seemed possible that only a few months earlier had been the stuff of dreams; and the tone of the cahiers made clear that many electors actually expected them to happen through the agency of the Estates-General." Nothing about radicalism, support of the monarchy, or fundamental constitutional change. The link is here. ]

Causes

[edit]

The underlying causes of the French Revolution were the Ancien Régime's inability to manage rising social and economic inequality. [Unsourced]. Population growth and interest payments on government debt led to economic depression, unemployment, and high food prices.[139] [Source, Sargent & Velde, doesn't say this.] Combined with resistance to reform by the ruling elite, it resulted in a crisis Louis XVI proved unable to resolve.[140][141]

Between 1700 and 1789, the French population grew from an estimated 21 to 28 million, while Paris alone had over 600,000 inhabitants, of whom roughly one third had no regular work.[134] [This is an interesting article, but nowhere on the cited page or in the entire article does it talk about French population growth, the population of Paris or the proportion without regular work.] Food production failed to keep up with these numbers, and whilst wages increased by 22% between 1770 and 1790, prices rose by 65% in the same period,[142] [Source is Hufton 1983. Later research shows this is wrong.] which many blamed on government inaction. [This is true but source doesnt support it. Tilly's quote is from 17th century England.][143] Combined with a series of poor harvests, by 1789 the result was a rural peasantry with nothing to sell, and an urban proletariat whose purchasing power had collapsed [Source Tilly 1983. Doesnt use term proletariat and is only talking about 1788-89 crisis].[144]

High levels of state debt, which acted as a drag on the wider economy, are often attributed to the 1778–1783 Anglo-French War. However, one economic historian argues "neither [its] level in 1788, or previous history, can be considered an explanation for the outbreak of revolution in 1789".[145] In 1788, the ratio of debt to gross national income in France was 55.6%, compared to 181.8% in Britain, and although French borrowing costs were higher, the percentage of revenue devoted to interest payments was roughly the same in both countries.[146] [Straw man. No modern historian argues that level of debt alone caused revolution.]

The problem lay in the assessment and collection of the taxes used to fund government expenditure. Rates varied widely from one region to another, were often different from the official amounts, and collected inconsistently. Complexity, as much as the financial burden, caused resentment among all taxpayers; although the nobility paid significantly less than other classes, they complained just as much.[135] [c] [This is an excellent article, but we already say elsewhere that the tax system was inefficient and complex. The key problem, as the article itself states, is that the tax burden mainly fell on peasants, that nobles and clergy paid much less tax, and that they resisted reforms that would make them pay more unless they got real political benefits. It's also OR and synthesis to link this article to the previous one because this article explicilty states that the debt crisis was a real problem. It is NOT saying that the problem would have been solved if the tax system was less complex.]

Attempts to simplify the system were blocked by the regional Parlements which controlled financial policy. The resulting impasse in the face of widespread economic distress led to the calling of the Estates-General, which became radicalised by the struggle for control of public finances.[147] [This can be said more succinctly and repeats information in Estates General section below.].

Although willing to consider reforms, Louis XVI often backed down when faced with opposition from conservative elements within the nobility.[148] [Source Doyle 2018 p 48 doesnt say this.] The court became the target for popular anger, particularly Queen Marie-Antoinette, who was viewed as a spendthrift Austrian spy, and blamed for the dismissal of 'progressive' ministers like Jacques Necker. For their opponents [whose opponents? Weasel words], Enlightenment ideas on equality and democracy provided an intellectual framework for dealing with these issues, while the 1774 American Revolution was seen as confirmation of their practical application.[149] [Source Doyle 2018 p. 73-4 has nothing to do with this.]].

Crisis of the Ancien Régime

[edit]

Financial crisis

[edit]

The French state faced a series of budgetary crises during the 18th century, caused primarily by structural deficiencies rather than lack of resources. Unlike Britain, where Parliament determined both expenditures and taxes, in France the Crown controlled spending, but not revenue.[150] National taxes could only be approved by the Estates-General, which had not sat since 1614; its revenue functions had been assumed by regional parlements, the most powerful being the Parlement de Paris (see Map).[151] [THis isn't true. Regional parlements could review new taxes to see if they were compatible with regional rights. If they objected, Crown could impose new taxes through lit de justesse. See Sargent and Velde.]

Although willing to authorise one-time taxes, the parlements were reluctant to pass long-term measures. Collection was outsourced to private individuals, significantly reducing the income received, and so France struggled to service its debt, despite being larger and wealthier than Britain.[150] Following partial default in 1770, within five years the budget had been balanced thanks to reforms instituted by Turgot, the Controller-General of Finances. [Nonsense. It was Terray that balanced Budget through forced tax increases and partial repudiation of debt.] However, he was dismissed in May 1776 after arguing France could not afford to intervene in the American Revolutionary War.[152] [The source is White (1995). it doesn't say any of this.]

These costs grew substantially when France formally declared war on Britain in 1778. Necker, who had become Finance Minister in 1777, managed to cover them with loans rather than taxes, before being replaced in 1781 by Charles Alexandre de Calonne.[153] These loans were funded by a large rentier class who lived on the interest payments. By 1785 the government was struggling to cover them, which left new taxes as the only viable alternative. When the parlements refused to approve them, [no they didn't, Calonne went straight to Notables] Calonne persuaded Louis to summon the Assembly of Notables, an advisory council dominated by the upper nobility. When it met in February 1787, headed by de Brienne, a former archbishop of Toulouse,[d] the Assembly argued taxes could only be authorised by the Estates.[155]

De Brienne, who succeeded Calonne in May 1787, tried to address the budgetary impasse without raising taxes by devaluing the coinage instead. This caused runaway inflation, worsening the plight of the farmers and urban poor.[156] [Nonsense. Source is a 1957 book by a nobody.]. By 1788, total state debt had increased to an unprecedented 4.5 billion livres. In a last attempt to resolve the crisis, Necker returned as Finance Minister in August 1788 but was unable to reach an agreement on how to increase revenue. In May 1789, Louis summoned the Estates-General.[157] [Citations are all old general histories. This can be rationalised]

Estates-General of 1789

[edit]

The Estates-General contained three separate bodies, the First Estate representing 100,000 clergy, the Second the nobility, and the Third the "commons".[158] Since each met separately, and any proposals had to be approved by at least two, the First and Second Estates could outvote the Third despite representing less than 5% of the population.[159]

Although the Catholic Church in France owned nearly 10% of all land, as well as receiving annual tithes paid by peasants,[160] more than two-thirds of the clergy lived on incomes putting them close to the poverty line [Source Schama. Doesn't say this.] Many of the 303 deputies returned in 1789 were thus closer in sympathy to the poor than those elected for the Third Estate, where voting was restricted to male French taxpayers, aged 25 or over.[161] The vast majority of the 610 Third Estate deputies were lawyers, government officials, businessmen, or wealthy land owners.[162] [Source Doyle, doesn't say this.]

The Second Estate elected 291 deputies, representing about 400,000 men and women, who owned about 25% of the land and collected seigneurial dues and rents from their tenants. Like the clergy, this was not a uniform body, and was divided into the noblesse d'épée, or traditional aristocracy, and the noblesse de robe. The latter derived rank from judicial or administrative posts and tended to be hard-working professionals, who dominated the regional parlements and were often intensely socially conservative.[163] [source Schama doesn't say this.]

To assist delegates, each region completed a list of grievances, known as Cahiers de doléances.[137] Although they contained ideas that would have seemed radical only months before, most supported the monarchy, and assumed the Estates-General would agree to financial reforms, rather than fundamental constitutional change.[138] [Grammar. A cahier can't think or assume anything. Source is Doyle's Very short history.] The lifting of press censorship allowed widespread distribution of political writings, mostly written by liberal members of the aristocracy and upper middle-class.[164] Abbé Sieyès, a political theorist and priest elected to the Third Estate, argued it should take precedence over the other two as it represented 95% of the population.[165]

On 5 May 1789, the Estates-General convened at Versailles, a location seen as an attempt to control their debates. [Says who?] As was customary, each Estate assembled in separate rooms, whose furnishings and opening ceremonies deliberately emphasised the superiority of the First and Second Estates. The Second Estate ruled only landowners could sit as deputies, excluding the immensely popular Comte de Mirabeau.[166] [Source is Schama. Doesn't say this. It was the local Estate of Provence that had this rule. Mirabeau was elected as a rep of the Third Estate for Aix.]

To prevent the Third Estate being outvoted, Sieyès proposed deputies be approved by the Estates-General as a whole, instead of each Estate verifying its own. [It wasn't Sieyes who proposed this, it was the reps from Brittany and the Dauphiné. See Doyle p. 102] Since their legitimacy would derive from the Estates-General, they would be forced to continue as one body.[167] Sitting as the Estates-General, on 10 June members of the Third Estate began verifying their own deputies, a process completed on 17 June. [No they didn't. They began verifying the members of the Third Estate on 12 June. On 17 June they declared themselves a National Assembly. per Doyle. 103-105] Two days later, they were joined by over 100 members of the clergy, [This true. Scharma p. 355] and declared themselves the National Assembly. The remaining deputies from the other two Estates were invited to join, but the Assembly made it clear they intended to legislate with or without their support.[168]

In an attempt to prevent the Assembly from convening, Louis XVI closed the Salle des États, claiming he needed it for a royal speech. [Unsourced and untrue.] On 20 June, the Assembly met in a tennis court outside Versailles, and swore not to disperse until a new constitution had been agreed. [This is true. Schama p. 359.] Messages of support poured in from Paris and other cities; by 27 June, they had been joined by the majority of the First Estate, plus forty-seven members of the Second, and Louis backed down.[169] [No he didnt. He offered some concessions but ordered the Estates General to meet in their separate orders the next day. Schama p. 362]

References

[edit]

Andress, David (2015). The Oxford Handbook of the French Revolution. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-963974-8.

Clay, Lauren (2015). "The Bourgoisie, Capitalism and the Origins of the French Revolution". In Andress, David (ed.). The Oxford Handbook of the French Revolution. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-963974-8.

Doyle, William (2018). The Oxford History of the French Revolution (3rd ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780198804932.

Jessene, Jean-Pierre (2013). "The Social and Economic Crisis in France at the End of the Ancien Régime". In McPhee, Peter (ed.). A Companion to the French Revolution. Oxford: John Wley & Sons. ISBN 978-1-4443-3564-4.

Jourdan, Annie (2015). "Tumultuous contexts and radical ideas (1783-89). The 'pre-revolution' in a transnational context.". In Andress, David (ed.). The Oxford Handbook of the French Revolution. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-963974-8.

McPhee, Peter, ed. (2013). A Companion to the French Revolution. Oxford: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1444335644.

Marzagalli, Sylvia (2015). "Economic and Demographic Developments". In Andress, David (ed.). The Oxford Handbook of the French Revolution. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-963974-8.

Smith, Jay M. (2015). "Nobility". In Andress, David (ed.). The Oxford Handbook of the French Revolution. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-963974-8.

Burrows, Simon (2015). "Books, philosophy, Englightenment". In Andress, David (ed.). The Oxford Handbook of the French Revolution. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-963974-8.

Sade references

[edit]

Sade, Donatien Alphonse François, Marquis de (1965). Seaver, Richard; Wainhouse, Austryn (eds.). The Complete Justine, Philosophy in the Bedroom and other writings. Grove Press.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)

Sade, Donatien Alphonse François, Marquis de (2000). Seaver, Richard (ed.). Letters from Prison. London: Harvill Press. ISBN 1-86046-807-1.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)

Indigenous peoples references

[edit]

Martínez Cobo, José. 1986/7. “Study of the Problem of Discrimination against Indigenous Populations”. UN Doc. E/CN.4/Sub.2/1986/7 and Add. 1-4. Available online at http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/unpfii/en/second.html.

Muckle, >:>Robert J. (2012). Indigenous Peoples of North America: A Concise Anthropological Overview. University of Toronto Press. p. 18. ISBN 978-1-4426-0416-2.

NSW Economy

[edit]

NSW is the largest state economy in Australia, with service industries contributing almost 80% of the state's economic activity and 90% of its employment. Business services which includes financial services; professional, scientific and technical services; property services; information media; and telecommunications, account for nearly a third of the state economy. Major merchandise exports include coal, copper, beef and aluminium. In recent years there has been strong growth in exports of education, tourism, and financial and business services.[170]

Construction accounted for 8% of the NSW economy in 2020-21, while manufacturing contributed 6%, mining 2%, and agriculture, forestry and fishing just under 2%.[171]

Coal and related products are the state's biggest merchandise export. Its value to the state's economy is over A$5 billion, accounting for about 19% of all merchandise exports from NSW.[172] Tourism is worth over $18.1 billion to the New South Wales economy and employs 3.1% of the workforce.[173]

Agriculture

[edit]

Agriculture accounts for just under 2% of the NSW economy.[171] NSW has the second-highest value of agricultural production of the Australian states.[174] Wheat is the most extensive crop in the state by hectare[175] amounting to 39% of the continent's harvest.[176][177] The most important wheat-growing areas are the Central West, Orana, New England, North-West and Riverina.[178]

Barley, cotton and canola are also important broadacre crops. Most cotton production is in the New England, Orana, North West and Far West regions.[178] However, the southern regions of the state now produce almost one-third of the state's crop by value.[179]

NSW produces about 20% of Australia's fruit and nuts, and about 12% of its vegetables by value.[178] On the central slopes there are many orchards, with the principal fruits grown being apples, cherries and pears. About 40,200 hectares (99,000 acres) of vineyards lie across the eastern region of the state, with the Hunter Valley and the Riverina being major wine producing regions.[180]

Cattle, sheep and pigs are the predominant types of livestock produced in NSW. The state over one-third of the country's sheep, and one-fifth of its cattle and pigs.[181] Australia's largest and most valuable Thoroughbred horse breeding area is centred on Scone in the Hunter Valley.[182]

Transport

[edit]

Passage through New South Wales is vital for cross-continent transport. Rail and road traffic from Brisbane (Queensland) to Perth (Western Australia), or to Melbourne (Victoria) must pass through New South Wales.

History

[edit]

First inhabitants of the region

[edit]
Charcoal drawing of kangaroos in Heathcote National Park

The first people to inhabit the area now known as Sydney were Indigenous Australians who had migrated from northern Australia and before that from southeast Asia.[183] Flaked pebbles found in Western Sydney's gravel sediments might indicate human occupation from 45,000 to 50,000 years BP,[184] while radiocarbon dating has shown evidence of human activity in the Sydney region from around 30,000 years ago.[185] Prior to the arrival of the British, there were 4,000 to 8,000 Indigenous people in the greater Sydney region.[186][187]

The inhabitants subsisted on fishing, hunting, and gathering plant foods and shellfish. The diet of the coastal clans was more reliant on seafoods whereas the food of hinterland clans was more focused on forest animals and plants. The clans had distinctive sets of equipment and weapons mostly made of stone, wood, plant materials, bone and shell. They also differed in their body decorations, hairstyles, songs and dances. Indigenous clans had a rich ceremonial life which was part of a belief system centering on ancestral, totemic and supernatural beings. People from different clans and language groups came together to participate in initiation and other ceremonies. These occasions fostered trade, marriages and clan alliances.[188]

The earliest British settlers recorded the word 'Eora' as an Indigenous term meaning either 'people' or 'from this place'.[189][187] The clans of the Sydney area occupied land with traditional boundaries. There is debate, however, about which group or nation these clans belonged to, and the extent of differences in language, dialect and initiation rites. The major groups were the coastal Eora people, the Dharug (Darug) occupying the inland area from Parramatta to the Blue Mountains, and the Dharawal people south of Botany Bay.[187] The Darginung and Gundungurra languages were spoken on the fringes of the Sydney area.[188]

Indigenous clans of Sydney area, as recorded by early British settlers[190][191][192]
Clan Territory name Location
Bediagal Not recorded Probably north-west of Parramatta
Boolbainora Boolbainmatta Parramatta area
Borogegal Booragy Probably Bradleys Head and surrounding area
Boromedegal Not recorded Parramatta
Buruberongal Not recorded North-west of Parramatta
Darramurragal Not recorded Turramarra area
Gadigal Cadi South side of Port Jackson, from South Head to Darling Harbour
Gahbrogal Not recorded Liverpool and Cabramatta area
Gamaragal Cammeray North shore of Port Jackson
Gameygal Kamay Botany Bay
Gannemegal Warmul Parramatta area
Garigal Not recorded Broken Bay area
Gayamaygal Kayeemy Manly Cove
Gweagal Gwea Southern shore of Botany Bay
Wallumedegal Wallumede North shore of Port Jackson, opposite Sydney Cove
Wangal Wann South side of Port Jackson, from Darling Harbour to Rose Hill

Clans known to be of the Sydney region but whose territory wasn't reliably recorded are the Birrabirragal, Domaragal, Doogagal, Gannalgal, Gomerigal, Gooneeowlgal, Goorunggurregal, Gorualgal, Murrooredial, Noronggerragal, Oryangsoora and Wandeandegal.[190]

The first meeting between Aboriginals and British explorers occurred on 29 April 1770 when Lieutenant James Cook landed at Botany Bay (Kamay[193]) and encountered the Gweagal clan.[194] Two Gweagal men opposed the landing party and in the confrontation one of them was shot and wounded.[195][196] Cook and his crew stayed at Botany Bay for a week, collecting water, timber, fodder and botanical specimens and exploring the surrounding area. Cook sought to establish relations with the Indigenous population without success.[197]

Cook then proceeded north, mapping the eastern coast of the continent and claiming the coastline that he had explored as British territory, naming it New South Wales.[198]

Colonial city (1841-1900)

[edit]

The New South Wales Legislative Council was transformed into a semi-elected body in 1842. The town of Sydney was declared a city the same year, and a governing council established, elected on a restrictive property franchise.[199]

The discovery of gold in New South Wales and Victoria in 1851 initially caused some economic disruption as male workers moved to the goldfields. Melbourne soon overtook Sydney as Australia's largest city, leading to an enduring rivalry between the two cities. However, increased immigration from overseas and wealth from gold exports increased demand for housing, consumer goods, services and urban amenities.[200] The New South Wales government also stimulated growth by investing heavily in railways, trams, roads, ports, telegraph, schools and urban services.[201] The population of Sydney and its suburbs grew from 95,600 in 1861 to 386,900 in 1891.[202] The city developed many of its characteristic features. The growing population packed into rows of terrace houses in narrow streets. New public buildings of sandstone abounded, including at the University of Sydney (1854-61)[203], the Australian Museum (1858-66)[204], the Town Hall (1868-88),[205] and the General Post Office (1866-92).[206] Elaborate coffee palaces and hotels were erected.[207] Exotic plants such as jacarandas and frangipani were introduced in parks and gardens.[208] Daylight bathing at Sydney's beaches was banned, but segregated bathing at designated ocean baths was popular.[209]

Drought, the winding down of public works and a financial crisis led to economic depression in Sydney throughout most of the 1890s. Meanwhile, the Sydney-based premier of New South Wales, George Reid, became a key figure in the process of federation.[210]

Sydney Political development

[edit]

Development of Sydney. Links to interior. 1840s. Horses were the main form of transport. Trains coming. (Kingston pp. 38-42). First elections were for alderman for Sydney municipality.

The first five governors had near autocratic power in the colony of New South Wales, subject only to the laws of England and the supervision of the Colonial Office in London. Sydney was the seat of government for the colony which encompassed over half the Australian continent and offshore islands.[211] Governor Thomas Brisbane (1821–25) moved his official residence to Parramatta, but the seat of government returned to Sydney on his departure.[212]

The New South Wales Judicature Act of 1823 limited the powers of the governors by establishing a Legislative Council and a court structure presided over by a chief justice. The members of the Legislative Council were to be nominated by the governor, but a majority of the council could refer legislation to the chief justice for an opinion on its legality. The first Legislative Council was summoned by Governor Ralph Darling in 1826.[213] The northern wing of Macquarie Street's's Rum Hospital was requisitioned and converted to accommodate the first Parliament House in 1829.[214]

The passing of the Sydney Incorporation Act in 1842 officially recognised the town of Sydney as a city, enabled the taxation of property owners and occupiers, and imposed a managerial structure to its administration. Men who possessed property valued at £1000 (or £50 per year) were able to stand for election. Every adult male over 21 years who occupied a "house warehouse counting-house or shop" valued at £25 per year was permitted to vote in one of four wards – this amounted to only around 15% of the adult population. Plural voting was prohibited by the enabling legislation.[215][216]

The Sydney Corporation had limited powers, mostly relating to services such as street lighting and drainage.[217] Its boundaries were restricted to an area of 11.6 square kilometres, taking in the city centre and the modern suburbs of Woolloomooloo, Surry Hills, Chippendale, and Pyrmont. The boundaries were to remain fairly constant until the twentieth century.[218]

In 1842 the imperial parliament granted limited representative government to NSW by establishing a reformed Legislative Council with one-third of its members appointed by the governor and two-thirds elected by male voters who met a property qualification. The property qualification meant that only 20 per cent of males were eligible to vote in the first Legislative Council elections in 1843.[219]

Elections to the Legislative Council gave a political voice to members from the Port Philip District who resented rule from Sydney and wished to form their own colony. The imperial parliament passed legislation allowing for the separation in 1850, and the former Port Phillip District became the Colony of Victoria in July 1851, significantly reducing the political power of Sydney.[220]

In 1856 New South Wales achieved responsible government with the introduction of a bicameral parliament comprising a directly elected Legislative Assembly and a nominated Legislative Council. The property qualification for voters had been reduced in 1851, and by 1856 the inflation of property values resulting from the goldrush meant that 95 per cent of adult males in Sydney were eligible to vote. The large workingmen's vote gave Sydney a reputation for radicalism which was only balanced by the overrepresentation of rural electorates. Full adult male suffrage was introduced in 1858.[221]

In 1859 Queensland became a separate colony, but the political power of Sydney only grew in the following decades as it became more dominant as a centre of population and government in the expanding economy of NSW. In the 1860s Sydney accounted for only one-sixth of the NSW population; by 1891, Sydney was larger than the total for all other towns in the colony.[221]

Governance

[edit]

The first five governors had near autocratic power in the colony of New South Wales, subject only to the laws of England and the supervision of the Colonial Office in London. Sydney was the seat of government for the colony which encompassed over half the Australian continent.[211] The first Legislative Council was summoned in 1826,[213] and in 1842 the imperial parliament expanded and reformed the council, making it partly elected.[219] In the same year, the town of Sydney officially became a city and an elected municipal council was establshed.[215][216] The council had limited powers, mostly relating to services such as street lighting and drainage.[217] Its boundaries were restricted to an area of 11.6 square kilometres, taking in the city centre and the modern suburbs of Woolloomooloo, Surry Hills, Chippendale, and Pyrmont.[218] As Sydney grew, other municipal councils were formed to provide local administration.[222]

In 1856 New South Wales achieved responsible government with the introduction of a bicameral parliament, based in Sydney, comprising a directly elected Legislative Assembly and a nominated Legislative Council.[221] With the Federation of the Australian colonies in 1901, Sydney became the capital of the states of New South Wales and its administration was divided between the Commonwealth, State and constituent local governments.[221]

History of Australia (1788-1850)

[edit]

After several years of privation, the penal colony gradually expanded and developed an economy based on farming, fishing, whaling, trade with incoming ships, and construction using convict labour. By 1820, however, British settlement was largely confined to a 100 kilometre radius around Sydney and to the central plain of Van Diemen's land. From 1816 penal transportation to Australia increased rapidly and the number of free settlers grew steadily.[223] Van Diemen's Land became a separate colony in 1825, and free settlements were established at the Swan River in Western Australia (1829), Adelaide in South Australia (1836), and in the Port Philip District (1836). The grazing of cattle and sheep expanded inland, leading to increasing conflict with Aboriginal people on their traditional lands.

The growing population of free settlers, former convicts and Australian-born currency lads and lasses led to public demands for representative government. Penal transportation to New South Wales ended in 1840 and a semi-elected Legislative Council was established in 1842. In 1850 Britain granted Van Diemen's Land, South Australia and the newly-created colony of Victoria semi-representative Legislative Councils on the New South Wales model.

British settlement led to a decline in the Aboriginal population and the disruption of their cultures due to introduced diseases, violent conflict and dispossession of their traditional lands. Aboriginal resistance to British encroachment on their land often led to violent reprisals from settlers including massacres of Aboriginal people. Many Aboriginal people, however, sought an accommodation with the settlers and established viable communities on missions, cattle stations and the fringes of towns where many aspects of their tradition cultures were maintained.


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