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Sources that describe the BA and antisemitic violence

Editors can use this as a resource to find information on the BA and antisemitic violence, so that we can make sure it is concisely described with neither apology nor embellishment. -Darouet (talk) 21:21, 21 November 2015 (UTC)

List of sources

Books

  • Fink, Carol (2006) Defending the Rights of Others: The Great Powers, the Jews, and International Minority Protection, 1878-1938. Cambridge University Press
  • Haumann, Heiko (2002) A History of East European Jews. Central European University Press.
  • Korzec, Pawel (1993) Polish Jewish Relations During World War I, in Strauss, Herbert, Hostages of Modernization 2: Austria - Hungary - Poland - Russia. Walter De Gruyter.
  • Michlic, Joanna (2006) Poland's Threatening Other: The Image of the Jew from 1880 to the Present. University of Nebraska Press.
  • Prusin, Alexander (2005) Nationalizing a Borderland: War, Ethnicity, and Anti-Jewish Violence in East Galicia, 1914-1920. University Alabama Press.
  • Sacher, Howard (2007) Dreamland: Europeans and Jews in the Aftermath of the Great War. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group.

Journal Articles

  • Brykczynski, Paul (2014) Anti-Semitism on Trial: The Case of Eligiusz Niewiadomski. East European Politics & Societies 28(2):411-439.

Relevant passages

Haumann (2002) pp.215-216

…at the end of December 1916, went as far as banning from particularly attractive parks those persons who were not dressed in “clean, orderly or European clothing”, by which was meant those who dressed in traditional Jewish garb. One’s attitude to assimilation was taken to be expressed by one’s choice of clothes, and the authorities took it upon themselves to take action in this matter. Only after energetic protests were such measures moderated. There were similar conflicts in other areas. Time and again unrest which had arisen as a result of something quite unconnected with the Jews degenerated into the looting of Jewish businesses.

Relations between Poles and Jews deteriorated appreciably. In the turmoil caused by the creation of a national state from November 1918 the accumulated tensions erupted. Polish traders and student groups denounced the Jews as friends of the Germans, social democrats, or Bolsheviks. In 1920 the forged “Protocols of the Elders of Zion,” which were supposed to prove the existence of a plan for Jewish world domination, were also published in Poland. The attacks escalated very rapidly to encompass violent riots, murders, executions and pogroms. Even the Polish military became involved, particularly the units of General Jozef Haller (1873-1960), who had achieved great popularity during the struggle for Polish independence. Many Poles condemned these excesses, even in public statements. At this time, however, when the Poles were struggling for their independence, and still had to fight to establish their borders, it was difficult for many people to understand and accept that the Jews had in the meantime become conscious of their own nationality and only within that framework wished to lay a place in society – which demands similar to those made by the Poles before 1914 against Russia. Austria-Hungar, and Germany. Now a Jewish national council demanded recognition of the Jews as a national minority and national-cultural autonomy...

On the political right, the ever latent anti-Semitism was strengthened. The National Democrats in particular – that is, Dmowski and General Haller – came to the fore. Hatred of the Jews was by no means only racially motivated, but in many respects the result of “pragmatic” considerations – for example, as a means to attract more votes in the prevailing turmoil. Converted “good Jews” were by all means permitted to join the party. Time and again they were responsible for the bitterest attacks on the Jews – another expression of Jewish “self-hatred.” The Christian Democrats represented an aggressive, religiously motivated anti-Jewishness. Anti-Semitism was also widespread in the peasants’ parties and in some smaller groups. On the other hand, peasant representatives tried to tone this down in that they condemned riots and took action against unjustified accusations. The socialists defended equal rights for Jews; to them, anti-Semitism was an instrument of the right in the class struggle. However, the world of the Jews mostly remained foreign to them because it did not fit into their theoretical scheme. Politically they fought against Jewish nationalism which was ideologically detrimental since it created a distraction from social conflicts and even acted as a cause of anti-Semitism. To this extent there were also tensions between the socialists and the Jewish Workers’ Bund…

Fink (2006) pp.226-230

On May 3, 1919, the very day the Council of Three voted to establish minority treaties, Poland celebrated its first national holiday since 1791. On a huge field at the edge of Warsaw, the head of state, the cabinet, and a throng of 40,000 proud Poles viewed a parade of Haller’s army and other troops as well as of students, workers and school children… Except as members of workers’ and Communist organizations, Poland’s Jews were “conspicuously absent.”

Nine days later, on the morning after his return from Paris, Paderewski warned the cabinet that the atrocity stories emanating from Poland were producing “adverse consequences for Poland’s international policy.” Troubled by reports of a new wave of violence unleashed by Haller’s troops against the Jewish population in Galicia, the prime minister announced an “immediate investigation.”

The antipogrom campaign had struck an alarm in Warsaw. Paderewski was deluged with telegrams from Jewish and Allied leaders. Ignoring all the practical impediments and political consequences, Paderewski’s foreign friends urged him to condemn the violence and publicly order stiff reprisals. Instead, the Polish government took the offensive, castigating the sensationalist German press reports of “new” pogroms. With France’s support, Poland scored the Reich’s “transparent” attempts to disgrace its eastern neighbor in order to bolster its assault on the peace treaty. (Author footnote: On May 1, 1919, a French intelligence source in Copenhagen warned that the Germans were writing anti-Semitic tracts that were to be attributed to Haller’s army, FMAE Z (Pologne) 61/2; unsigned memorandum, AAN Paderewski 771, identified Tattenbach, the German consul in Berne, as advocating the increased use of anti-Jewish pogroms in Poland and Galicia to counter Polish claims. See also MSZ to Polish delegation Paris, Warsaw, May 22, 1919, AAN KNP 161; Polish Army Headquarters to MSZ, Warsaw, May 30, 1919, ibid., KNP 869 (39); Ciechanowski report #1, Paris, May 30, 1919, ibid., MSZ 1480 as well as Conty to FMAE, Copenhagen, May 17, 1919, Delevaud to FMAE, Stockholm, May 23, 1919, Casenave to Tardieu, New York, June 11, FMAE Z (Pologne), 61/2, on the German propaganda campaign.) Even before the council’s minority clauses arrived in Warsaw, Poland sent a delegation of “patriotic Jews” to Paris to plead against any minority treaty at all.

Suddenly, and at the worst possible moment – just as the Germans were threatening not to sign and influential Britons were assailing the treaty’s territorial provisions – Poland placed itself at serious odds with the peace-makers, Pilsudski, yielding to Haller’s charges of the Ukrainians’ “plunder, violence, and bolshevism,” defied the council, their ministers’ restraining efforts, and Paderewski’s pledges, and unleashed a brief, bloody offensive in Eastern Galicia. Breaking the armistice brokered in Paris, Haller’s troops recaptured Lemberg, swept through the oil fields, and on May 27 reached the Romanian border…

Paderewski’s arrival [in Paris] was also spoiled by new anti-Jewish violence, this time in the heart of Poland at one of its most celebrated pilgrimage sites. In Czestochowa, on May 27, after an unknown assailant wounded one of their comrades, Haller’s troops joined a furious local crowd in a three hour rampage through the Jewish quarter, leaving five dead and forty-five wounded. The Poles, who accused a German agent provocateur of inciting the crowd, again challenged the Jews’ casualty figures; terming the events a “food riot” and not a pogrom, Warsaw insisted that the military and civil authorities as well as the local priests had done “their utmost” to prevent bloodshed and restore order. Nonetheless, the mounting reports of anti-Jewish excesses by the Haller army – including the widespread shaving of beards of orthodox men – plus Pilsudski’s prediction that his rival, whom the Allies had armed and transported to Poland, would “make life miserable for the Jews,” added to Britain’s disquiet.

Once more the Poles were forced to defend themselves against charges of imperialism. A discomfited Paderewski, his honor impaired, termed the battle for Eastern Galicia a struggle for “law and order” and blamed the Ukrainians for breaking the armistice. Nevertheless, on the eve of his second trip to Paris, the prime minister persuaded the Sejm to pass an anodyne resolution favoring autonomy for Eastern Galicia and a Polish-Ukrainian agreement. The KNP’s news service chimed in, trumpeting the Jews’ and White Russians’ expressions of “gratitude” for their “liberation” from the Ukrainian “bandits.” Pilsudski, alert to the diplomatic repercussions, ordered an end to the offensive on May 30, the removal of Haller’s troops from Eastern Galicia, and the placing of Foch in command of the Polish army.

Korzec (1993) pp.1034-1035

After a short period of relative tranquility, the situation of Polish Jewry began to deteriorate in 1919, as a result of the general deterioration of the political situation in Polan. Pilsudski's supporters lost their influence; the rightists gained ground. It was partly the fault of the Allied Powers: panic-stricken because of the alleged menace to Poland posed by the revolutionary movement, they refused to recognize the Warsaw government. Applying tremendous pressure, they imposed a rightist government on the country, including some prominent politicians who had belonged to the Polish National Committee in Paris, headed by Dmowski, the leader of the extreme chauvinist group. The central military support of the rightist government consisted of the so-called blue divisions commanded by General Jozef Haller formed and equipped in France and dispatched to Poland after the Paderewski government had been set up. In the martyrology of the Polish Jews during the years 1918-1920, the "Haller boys" (hallerczycy) won sad repute as the worst torturers of the Jews.

Pilsudski readily made certain concessions to the rightists. Their accession to power certainly weakened his political position, but on the other hand, Poland's recognition by the Allies, the receipt of Western arms, and the arrival of Haller's troops enabled him to carry out his cherished plan: a crusade against Soviet Russia. Shortly after the Versailles Peace Treaty had been signed, Polish troops - without a declaration of war - opened hostilities in the east, occupying large territories in Belorussia and the Ukraine. Pilsudski, whose ambition was to create an anti-Russian federation of Slav nations, naturally under Polish hegemony, placed Petlura's troops (in the Ukraine) and those of General Balachowicz (in Belorussia) under his own protection.

It was a hard time for the Jews in Poland, especially for those who lived in the newly captured territories. The Polish troops, in particular "Haller's boys" and the regiments from Great Poland (the western province of Poland), engaged in violence, looting, and other atrocities against the Jews. At every railway station on their journey east, the soldiers harassed each passing Jew and sacked the nearby houses. Very often Jews were pushed off the moving trains. "Haller's boys" and the "Poznan boys" specialized in "civilizing" the Jews: they caught Orthodox Jews, especially the aged, and cut off their beards with bayonets in the presence of excited mobs. Officers and the police tacitly approved of these barbaric acts. (Author's note: Much factual material on atrocities committed by Polish troops was presented in the reports of foreign missions to Poland, in the foreign press, and despite severe censorship, in the Jewish and the Socialist Press in Poland. In the socialist paper Robotnik of June 8, 1919, a writer reported about the ordeal of Jewish passengers who were brutally dragged off the trains at Lukow railway station by the famous "Haller's boys" and other scum...)</small)

Still worse was the situation in the newly recovered territories in the east, where the military acted with no restraint. The Polish troops, Petlura's soldiers, and Balachowicz's squads staged pogroms in almost every town they captured. Jewish youths were placed in concentration camps, Jewish communities were obliged to pay large fines, etc. The military and civil authorities approved of and often encouraged these atrocities. Pogroms usually started on the pretext that Jews had fought against Polish troops and were sympathetic to the Bolsheviks. Propaganda launched by Polish authorities and the Polish press, pretending that these were not pogroms but simply police actions against the Bolsheviks, was efficient enough to counter public protests in the West.

Michlic (2006) pp.111, 117

It is impossible to differentiate among four major waves of anti-Jewish violence that swept interwar Poland, each characterized by specific historical and social conditions and developments. The first wave, in 1918-20, was rooted in the process of the formation of the new Polish nation-state and military fighting over the eastern border with the Bolsheviks...

The first wave of violence began in 1918 during the Polish-Ukrainian War (1918-19) over the southeastern territories. In these attacks 230 Jews died, a relatively large number. One of the first and worst instances of anti-Jewish violence was the Lwow pogrom, which occurred in the last week of November 1918. In three days 72 Jews were murdered and 443 others injured. The chief perpetrators of these murders were soldiers and officers of the so-called Blue Army, set up in France in 1917 by Genera Jozef Haller (1873-1960), and lawless civilians. Another instance of sever anti-Jewish violence occurred on 5 April in Pinsk, where 35 Jews, including women and children, were executed on the order of a commander of the local Polish military garrison. Similar instances of violence conducted by Polish military units took place in Lublin, Lida, Wilno, and a number of other towns and villages in the southeastern and northeastern territories...

The perpetrators of anti-Jewish violence in interwar Poland and their supporters legitimized it as national self-defense. At the root of such legitimization lay the myth of the Jew as the chief harmful other. To understand how anti-Jewish violence was justified as national self-defense, one has to look at the ethno-nationalist use of prominent themes in Polish national mythology: those of victimhood and unjust treatment by others. For obvious historical reasons such themes had been important in Polish national mythology since at least the partition of the First Polish Republic in the second half of the eighteenth century. As in many other national mythologies a central message in Polish national culture is that the Poles are always the victim and others are the oppressors of the Polish nation. The ethno-nationalist version of national history intertwined the theme of Polish victimhood with the myth of the Jew as the dangerous and sinister oppressor of the Polish nation, This interpretation stressed that Poles had been consistently marginalized and thwarted by Jews, relegated to the position of a minority in their own country. This myth emphasized Jewish ingratitude to their Polish hosts, who had allowed Jews to settle in Polish territory at times when other states in Europe had expelled them. Finally, this myth legitimated the necessity of Poles "fighting back" in order to regain their rightful position in their country.

The tendency to legitimize anti-Jewish violence as national self-defense was first found in the speech and actions of officers and soldiers of the Haller and Wielkopolska (Great Poland) Armies in the eastern territories between 1918 and 1919. In general these officers and soldiers shared the convictions that the Jews as a collectivity were the enemy of the Polish nation-state and that they collaborated with other enemies - the Bolsheviks, the Ukrainians, and the Lithuanians. The chief accusation made against Jews was of Bolshevism, and many units and individuals in these armies treated all Jews as Communists, despite the evident political diversity within Jewish communities and their traditional religious character.

Prusin (2005) p.103

...The assaults on on Jews in the borderlands also took place within the context of intense socioeconomic tension. Polish peasants resented the government's unwillingness or inability to carry out land reforms... The situation in Kresy Wshodnie and Galiica also reflected the psychological imprint of the four years of continuous warfare, for World War I and the frontier wars made the residents of these areas inured to brutalities and suffering. The violence not only served the immediate needs of personal enrichment but also provided a legitimate and relatively easy target —Jews— upon which to unleash personal frustrations. Looting and robbery, therefore, were consistently accompanied by beatings, rapes, and wanton destruction of prayer books and sacred scrolls in the synagogues. The congruence of ethnic and ideological animosities also precipitated assaults. Two units — Poznań regiments and General Josef Haller's army - especially earned the reputation of notorious Jew-baiters and staged brutal pogroms in Sambor, the Lwów district, and Grodek Jagielloński. The anti-Jewish zeal of these soldiers derived from the situation in the Poznań province, where Jews sided with the Germans during the Polish-German conflict in the winter of 1919. Similarly, the actions of Haller's army, which had arrived from France, might be explained by the fact that some contingents came from the United States, where Jewish-Polish relations went from bad to worse during World War I...

Sacher (2007) pp.24-25, 46

In truth, Pilsudski himself bore more than a little personal responsibility for anti-Jewish violence. Early in November 1918, as he launched his war of "reunification" through Eastern Galicia and Lithuania, the chief of state was too preoccupied with military issues to constrain an upsurge of successor-state chauvinism. Thus, even as Polish troops battled Ukrainians for supremacy in the border regions, they found time to launch their own assaults against local Jewish communities. In November 1918 along, Polish soldiers and armed civilians attacked, pillaged, beat, and occasionally murdered Jews in Lvov, Kielce, Lublin, Lida, and some one hundred other, smaller towns. Local police often collaborated. Informed of these atrocities, Pilsudski sternly condemned them. Yet, as the military campaign raged on throughout East Galicia - "Western Ukraine" - he was unable to exert direct control over his forces. The number of Jews actually slain at the hands of Poles did not exceed four or five hundred, and their ordeal surely could be not equated with the raw genocide committed by Petliura's and Dinikin's armies in eastern, "integral" Ukraine. But it was violence committed by the darling of the Western Allies, a country that was flaunted as the glittering symbol of revived and heroic nationhood.

At the Paris Peace Conference, meanwhile, the assembled statesmen unanimously agreed that further desecration of that symbol could not be permitted. In the major cities of the West, Jewish mass meetings already were issuing resolutions of protest and supplication to the Allied governments. The Allies in turn raised the issue of Jewish mistreatment with Poland's Prime Minister Paderewski. Paderewski took the warnings seriously. At his urgent intercession, the worst of the anti-Jewish violence appeared to ebb by February 1920. But in the late spring of the same year, the Red Army launched its mighty counteroffensive in the Ukraine, eventually pushing deep into integral Poland, to the very gates of Warsaw. During their headlong retreat, Polish troops in their frustration and rage inflicted a more extensive series of assaults on the Jewish populations of Minsk-Mazoiecki, Siedlice, and other, smaller towns. Kangaroo court-martials ordered the execution of alleged Jewish "spies." In Plock, a local rabbi was shot for "directing Bolshevik fire from his balcony." Survivors recalled that the worst of the excesses were committed by General Jozef Haller's "Blue Army," a fifty-thousand-man force made up of expatriate American Poles. Returning to their former homeland, these transplanted inhabitants of Chicago, Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Buffalo and other American industrial cities evidently were determined to be "more Catholic than the Pope." It was the "Blue Army" that doubled the number of casualties suffered by Jews throughout the earlier year and a half.

It was a grim irony that the Poles should have inflicted the heaviest of their physical violence on Jewish civilians well after their government had signed the minorities treaty, on June 28, 1919. During the ensuing two years of the Russo-Polish War, General Haller's "Blue" Army and other polish military units wreaked the worst of their havoc on the Jewish communities of the Ukraine, Byelorussia, and Lithuania….

Brykczynski (2014) pp.2, 8

Right-wing thugs, mostly university students, rampaged through the streets, breaking windows, and beating up “passers-by with Semitic features” all over the city.2 The violence expressed itself mostly against Jews, and “Down with the Jews!” became the “most popular” slogan of the rioters.3 Socialist parliamentary deputies were also detained and beaten up. General Haller, leader of the so-called “Blue Army,” infamous for its role in the anti-Jewish violence of 1919–1920, made a speech encouraging the rioters who, in their turn, chanted “Our leader!” A fascist style putsch appeared to be a distinct possibility. The Italian Fascists had seized power in Rome only a few months earlier and Polish right-wing papers were full of admiration for their exploits.

Piłsudczyks from the former Polish Military Organization (Polska Organizacja Wojskowa or POW), which now constituted an informal and influential network, also made contingency plans for an armed showdown with the right. According to Tadeusz Caspeari-Chraszczewski, former members of POW were actively planning to undertake a “punitive action” against the right in cooperation with the PPS. Chraszczewski was in contact with the radical Piłsudczyk (and later Premier) Marian Kościałkowski, and the two discussed plans to punish the right and “deal with” General Haller for his “scandalous speeches.” However, when they learned that the PPS had unexpectedly cancelled its “action,” POW members decided that they could not move forward “without the backing of the masses”

Discussion

Will look for more sources shortly. -Darouet (talk) 21:49, 4 December 2015 (UTC)

Blue Army Publicly Executed a Rabbi

Two sources. The Encyclopedia of Jewish Life Before and During the Holocaust: K-Sered. Edited by Shmuel Spector, Geoffrey Wigoder. NYU Press. 2001. Pg. 1001. More details here: [1] "This was mainly due to the rabid behaviour of the troops of General Haller when passing through P. They attacked the Jews, insulted them, and humiliated them by shaving off their beards and sidelocks. An air of pogrom reigned in the town after the martyrdom of the local Hassidic sage Rabbi Chaim Shapira. During the battles between the Polish army and the Bolsheviks in 1920 he went out onto the balcony of his house, wearing a talith (prayer shawl) and tefillin (phylacteries), to pray for heavenly mercy in a time of crisis. His Gentile neighbours reported that during his prayers he had raised his hand as a signal to the Bolshevik artillery to zoom in on its targets. He was arrested and sentenced to death. His execution was public. In his last moments he asked to put on his talith, and he expired with “Shema Yisrael” (Hear O Israel) and “Our Lord is God” on his lips." Will be added to article.Faustian (talk) 17:53, 22 November 2015 (UTC)

Faustian, is this a reliable source? Also, this does not change the fact that editors who voted agree that there is undue weight placed on this on this subject matter in relation to the entire topic. --E-960 (talk) 19:45, 22 November 2015 (UTC)

Also, please see the disclaimer used by the website [2] cited by Faustian, for the page provided as reference in the above link. This text is found at the very bottom of the web-page:

JewishGen, Inc. makes no representations regarding the accuracy of the translation. The reader may wish to refer to the original material for verification. JewishGen is not responsible for inaccuracies or omissions in the original work and cannot rewrite or edit the text to correct inaccuracies and/or omissions. Our mission is to produce a translation of the original work and we cannot verify the accuracy of statements or alter facts cited.

This is clearly not an reliable source. This will not be added to the article, Faustian — because the source is not reliable, you don't have a consensus and the latest RfC voters agree that there is too much information on this subject matter already. If you continue with this type of bullying I will request that you are blocked. The issue is undue weight, depth of detail and coat-racking. --E-960 (talk) 19:55, 22 November 2015 (UTC)

  • Also, a note regarding Faustian's editing approach, and his focus on extreme detail. Every war and every ethnic group has tragic stories — that is the true and unfortunate reality of war anywhere, and highlighting a death of one rabbi, when tens of thousands of Poles and Ukrainians died during the conflict perhaps is not the correct approach. As Tadeusz Piotrowski stated in his book "The scale of Jewish casualties was minimal… fewer then one thousand... when the Polish army suffered 250,000 casualties." [3] --E-960 (talk) 20:43, 22 November 2015 (UTC)
First source is clearly reliable. Secnd source provides details online. Faustian (talk) 21:49, 22 November 2015 (UTC)
I'm sure the BA did not fight in Płock, which is near Warsaw, and not in Galicja where the army was. Is this another Lwów Pogrom situation? Remember this: "French intelligence noted that many of the alleged antisemitic tracts attributed to the Blue Army were in fact a product of willful disinformation based purely on hearsay and confabulation emanating from Russian and German government sources" as noted in our article, the BA was not in every part of Poland at the same time! --E-960 (talk) 22:10, 22 November 2015 (UTC)
The public execution of a religious leader is a notable event. First source is published by NYU - reliable. Second comes from "Encyclopedia of Jewish Communities in Poland, Volume IV." The fact that there is a disclaimer stating that the translation is not guaranteed doesn't make the source unreliable. So two RS for this fact. Your OR is irrelevant here. I will go ahead and add this information, very briefly.Faustian (talk) 22:50, 22 November 2015 (UTC)
Unnecessary copy/paste from closed RfC above
Faustian, why do you argue when several editors agree there is too much POV in the article:
  • Option 3: As suggested by users SMcCandlish and Ivanevian. I think that the proposed "third way" approach is fair and worth pursuing. --E-960 (talk) 07:05, 23 October 2015 (UTC)
  • Option 2: Keep as is no changes. Faustian (talk) 15:03, 10 October 2015 (UTC)
  • Option 3: Certainly keep lead and body material that describes pogroms, but add more information that also describes the causes of anti-Semitic and anti-Ukrainian violence, as we discussed in the Talk Pages above. -Darouet (talk) 18:47, 13 October 2015 (UTC)
  • Option 2: Keep as is no changes. Comatmebro User talk:Comatmebro 01:22, 16 October 2015 (UTC)
  • Option 3: There is clearly a WP:UNDUE / WP:COATRACK problem here, but it is not as significant as the nom suggests. I do agree that this material can be compressed by about 50%, but a summary of it should not be removed from the lead. As noted below about Enc. Judaica, Haller's Army is notorious for this; i.e., it's one of the things that establishes WP:Notability. It's not WP's job to do a WP:SYNTH analysis of our own on how significant the alleged pogromming was in relation to the Blue Army's role in the war. Just follow the sources. That said, don't dwell and dwell on one aspect from cherry-picked sources.  — SMcCandlish ☺ ☏ ¢ ≽ʌⱷ҅ᴥⱷʌ≼  06:11, 22 October 2015 (UTC)
  • Option 3: I wouldn't go as far as option 1, but the emphasis on anti-Jewish violence by the BA completely distorts this article, so a re-edit of some kind is definitely needed. Ivanevian (talk) 22:33, 22 October 2015 (UTC)
  • Option 1/3 I second Ivanevian; the article currently has an undue focus on this issue. I'd suggest shortening the lead a bit (what are "numerous segments"?), and trying to be more concise in the body. --Piotr Konieczny aka Prokonsul Piotrus| reply here 07:37, 23 October 2015 (UTC)
  • Option 1: Re-edit the sections as recommended. Reason: It is too one-sided, hence POV now. Zezen (talk) 00:55, 2 November 2015 (UTC)

--E-960 (talk) 22:56, 22 November 2015 (UTC)

You are misrepresenting what people said in the RFC. They complained that the section was too long and can be trimmed. They did not conclude how to trim it - that is, they did not decide that there was to much bad stuff about what the BA did, rather than this section is too long. Please stop conveniently interpreting things to support your effort to remove referenced info you don't like. I will also note that this RFC is so far rather inconclusive. A previous RFC concluded that the statement of rapes was supported by the source. You ignored it, and edit-warred to keep it out. So when you base behavior on RFC when it suits you, but ignore the RFC when it doesn't. Faustian (talk) 23:02, 22 November 2015 (UTC)
Faustian, I highlighted the sections which talk about undue-weight and POV, not simply trimming the text. --E-960 (talk) 23:09, 22 November 2015 (UTC)
Undue focus isn't the same as NPOV. So two editors whom you canvassed from Polish groups claimed NPOV. That's a minority. I have trimmed the section a little bit by removing original research - parts that were sourced to passages that did not mention the Blue Army.Faustian (talk) 23:12, 22 November 2015 (UTC)
  • I fail to see why the text from JewishGen is not a reliable source merely because of the disclaimer about the translation. It has that template on all the Yizkor translations. It says if there is an issue refer to the original, which is a reliable source. It was published by Yad Vashem in 1989. Do you have any compelling reason to suggest the translation is flawed and thus the original must be consulted? E-960 you're really being silly here IMHO. I have hatted the copy/paste above as it is confusing to have this repeated and looks like people are still proposing support. МандичкаYO 😜 18:33, 26 November 2015 (UTC)
The issue here is this — the incident happened during a war, in which many people got killed. Historian Tadeusz Piotrowski notes that Jewish casualties were "minimal" in comparison to the number of Poles and Ukrainians killed. Yet, Faustian wants to highlight individual incidents in a conflict that lasted 2 years and saw 250,000 casualties out of which less then a thousand were Jews. That's WP:UNDUE and WP:COATRACK. Also, I don't think the BA fought in Płock which is near Warsaw, so I'm not sure about the legitimacy of this source when the claim deviate from accepted facts... it can only be seen as a fringe view. --E-960 (talk) 16:48, 27 November 2015 (UTC)
Piotrowski is being (deliberately?) misused. Piotrowski did not conclude that these deaths weren't a big deal. On the page (44) of his book, Piotrowski states [4] "yet the deaths of fewer than one thousand civilians cannot be relegated to insignificance by comparison with the other Polish losses at that time...and this is also a part of that truth" (my emphasis). Using Piotrowski to show that these murders weren't a big deal is a misrepresentation of Piotrowski. It reminds me of how E-960 had earlier misrepresented what Encyclopedia Judaica concluded when based on their entry about the Blue Army he kept trying to insert a statement about merely some individual soldiers committing these crimes.Faustian (talk) 05:47, 29 November 2015 (UTC)
Troops of the Blue Army visited Płock twice, in 1919 to fight local social revolt and in 1920 to fight the Red Army. Xx236 (talk) 10:16, 11 December 2015 (UTC)

The rabbi was falsely accused (apparently by the locals), it's not obvious who executed him [5][6]. It would be helpful to check Koński's article of 1995. Xx236 (talk) 10:38, 11 December 2015 (UTC)

Two reliable sources attribute this to the Blue Army. Your second link describes the incident but doesn't describe the perpetrator.Faustian (talk) 13:36, 11 December 2015 (UTC)

Wrongful Accusations Section

In order to trim the Controversies section I propose that this subsection be removed but that two sentences be retained (I think it's notable that the Blue Army has been accused falsely accused of the Lwow Pogrom) in the controversies section. Accordingly, these would be the two sentences: The Blue Army was wrongly accused of committing pogroms in Lviv on 21 November 1918 and in Lida on 14 April 1919.[1] According to various historians the first units of the army did not leave France until 15 April 1919.[2] [3][4]

Any objections to this change?Faustian (talk) 13:16, 7 December 2015 (UTC)

@Faustian: this looks like original research and synthesis: how can sources published in 1941, 1979 and 1998 state that a book published in 2001 is incorrect? It makes more sense to just remove the reference to Hagan here, if everyone is convinced it's wrong. -Darouet (talk) 21:17, 7 December 2015 (UTC)
@Darouet:Good point. I was thinking that, after I wrote this post but was waiting for comments before changing it. How about simply removing the word "wrongly?" - "The Blue Army was accused of committing pogroms in Lviv on 21 November 1918 and in Lida on 14 April 1919. However, according to various historians the first units of the army did not leave France until 15 April 1919." That way the accusation with reference is there, as is counter-evidence with reference, and the reader can decide, without original research/synthesis. What do you think? I could live with simply removal, however I think it's important to point out the accusation and necessary to state that other historians don't place the Blue Army there at that time. Also, leaving this in like that would preemt some other editor, in the future, from finding the Hagen reference and simply putting in info about culpability for the Lwow pogrom. Faustian (talk) 21:24, 7 December 2015 (UTC)
I agree that's better. It still involves some kind of synthesis ("however…"), but I think that's fair, given the sleuthing that editors have done here to show Hagen's work is inconsistent with other publications on troop movements. I think we should ask SMcCandlish and Volunteer Marek before proceeding. -Darouet (talk) 23:07, 7 December 2015 (UTC)
Also pinging Ivanevian, Wikimandia, and Iryna Harpy, in case you're interested in continuing these discussions. -Darouet (talk) 23:16, 7 December 2015 (UTC)
Hmm, yes. Hagen is problematic. I don't have time to think on it at the moment, but there's something awry about inserting content from a source not in keeping with the mainstream just because it exists. It's reading as the 'bad' kind of synth... possibly a WP:WEIGHT issue. --Iryna Harpy (talk) 23:26, 7 December 2015 (UTC)
Can I ask what's wrong with William W. Hagen as a source? Nothing at his page suggests any unreliability or COI. МандичкаYO 😜 00:25, 8 December 2015 (UTC)
There's nothing wrong with Hagen as a source per se, but trying to work his stance into the section requires some problem solving/subtlety as to how to not turn the size and importance of the section into a WP:COATRACK. That's essentially why there has been so much ado surrounding this content. In the context of the entire article it's placing undue emphasis on the section. --Iryna Harpy (talk) 00:43, 8 December 2015 (UTC)
Hagen is a good source, he simply misidentified the unit - he made a mistake.Faustian (talk) 01:22, 8 December 2015 (UTC)

(ec with Iryna) For now I'm going to reply quickly, because I'm quite busy with RL work. Basically, this is one of those difficult situations where an otherwise reliable source got something wrong. There's just no way that BA could have been involved in the Lviv pogrom as they were not physically present in Poland at the time. Hagen got this one wrong, for whatever reason (personally I attribute it to the general cluelessness of Western historians about Eastern Europe but that's not really relevant). It's not like the date of the Lviv pogrom is controversial. It's not like the date on which the Blue Army arrived in Poland/Ukraine is controversial. It's not like the period of time separating the two is insignificant. So the source got it wrong.

When this originally came up, I had an extensive discussion with User:Malik Shabazz about it. In the end we both agreed that this was an exceptional circumstance where a bit of original research/synthesis was called for (I guess we can involve WP:IAR here, the discussion is somewhere in the archives) but we should keep it as straightforward as possible. Basically the idea was to stick as closely to WP:NOR as possible but at the same time acknowledge the error in the source.

Wikipedia does have the WP:NOTTRUTH essay which emphasizes relying on reliable sources rather than trying to conduct one's own research. This says that we shouldn't try to "correct" published secondary reliable sources. 99% of the time I think this is perfectly right and it's good advice. I've defended it before in various venues (Jimbo's talk, Village pump, Wikipedia criticism sites) because I think that the last thing we want is for Wikipedians to go questioning secondary sources in pursuit of "truth". But there's always that 1% of the time when applying the guideline mindlessly results in a ridiculous outcome. I think this is one of those times.

So, to wrap this up, I think the best thing to do is either to a) leave out the mention of the Lviv pogrom altogether. This would simply be an editorial decision and then we don't have to discuss the fact that BA wasn't in Poland/Ukraine when it happened. Or b) go with something minimalistic and simple, which I think is what Faustian's original proposal above tries to accomplish.

I like b). I.e. the wording proposed by Faustian at the beginning of this section.User:Volunteer Marek 00:50, 8 December 2015 (UTC)

  • Does Hagen specifically say the Blue Army was wrongfully accused? If so, it doesn't seem like coatrack. If we only have sources talking about dates, I can understand the OR/SYNTH angle. But if an army/group has historically been wrongfully accused of something so horrible as a pogrom, and a RS says it's not true, it seems appropriate to mention it. МандичкаYO 😜 01:08, 8 December 2015 (UTC)
    • Wait a minute, does Hagen say they did it? And thus the "wrongfully accused" is not in the source at all but Wikipedia's opinion? We can't cite him in order to say he's wrong. We have to find a source that says so. МандичкаYO 😜 01:18, 8 December 2015 (UTC)
Hagen said they did it. But numerous other sources state that Blue Army weren't there at the time that Hagen said they did it - other units committed that crime. It seems clear that Hagen misidentified the unit there. Labeling it a mistake could be seen as a summary rather than original research. But if doing so is deemed unacceptable by the consensus, we could perhaps simply state what Hagen said, then state that the unit wasn't there according to multiple other sources, making the reality clear to the reader without explicitly stating the conclusion that Hagen was wrong. What do you think of that approach? This entire isue could be removed, but because Hagen wrote about it there is always the risk of someone adding it again down the line. Plus, the misidentification seems somewhat notable - Lwow pogrom was in infamous event.Faustian (talk) 01:36, 8 December 2015 (UTC)
Well the problem with the wording now is that it looks like the reference cited says they were falsely accused. It must be reworded to say for example, "Some historians have accused the BA of the Lviv pogrom"(ref); however, other historians note they did not leave Paris until after the pogroms occurred."(refs) МандичкаYO 😜 09:00, 8 December 2015 (UTC)
  • WP:NOR does not in any way prevent basic common sense being applied to editing. It's not just reasonable but necessary for WP editors to evaluate the reliability (including influence, currency vs. obsolescence, publisher reputability, author reputability, and other public and expert acceptance factors) of the sources used in our articles. This is not the same as evaluating the alleged veracity of facts reported in those sources. Big difference. It may affect what facts are included and how, but this is an indirect effect. (E.g. if a paper proposes that there's evidence of life on Europa, we might not include that hypothesis, if the source for it is low-quality. That does not equate to WP judging whether it's true or not, only making the judgement call to not include this until there's better sourcing.) In short, it's fine for us to say "sources X and Y say foo bar, however source Z suggests alternatively that baz quux". This is routine when done honestly and fairly. It's only a problem when this is done in a misleading way, with WP:POV-pushing or WP:UNDUE results (e.g. "Scientific consensus is that evolution occurred without anything like divine intervention, however the Dianetologists are convinced we're all descended from volcanic bivalves brought to earth by the space-god Zeenoo.") The "however" can't be used to cast undue doubt on reliable mainstream sources, suggest a "balance" among incompatible views that lends weight to fringe idea that don't have much real-world support, nor used to inject WP:BOLLOCKS from weak sources.  — SMcCandlish ¢ ≽ʌⱷ҅ʌ≼  02:13, 8 December 2015 (UTC)
@SMcCandlish: would you suggest any specific, terse wording for this section? -Darouet (talk) 04:58, 8 December 2015 (UTC)
I'm too swamped in real-life work to look into this in any detail. There seem to be enough editors' eyes on this to get it done. I note that one party (see comments on my talk page) seem to think there's a WP:FACTION effect happening in the discussion immediately below this post of mine. In the interests of peace, I've suggested that the admin who closed the ANI matter also review these proposals for changes. Various proposals in previous RfCs have raised NOR/NPOV questions both at one pole to the discussion and the other, so some balance would be appropriate. (I'm not certain it's not already emerging, but an extra set of uninvolved eyes might be helpful.)  — SMcCandlish ¢ ≽ʌⱷ҅ʌ≼  11:23, 11 December 2015 (UTC)
I suggested above: "Some historians have accused the BA of the Lviv pogrom"(ref); however, other historians note they did not leave Paris until after the pogroms occurred."(refs) МандичкаYO 😜 09:00, 8 December 2015 (UTC)
I can certainly live with this.Faustian (talk) 13:38, 8 December 2015 (UTC)
If we replace "accused" with "state they were responsible for" I think this is fine. The word "note" implies that we endorse the latter view, and I think that's OK too.-Darouet (talk) 14:34, 8 December 2015 (UTC)
This seems fine for me.Faustian (talk) 15:27, 8 December 2015 (UTC)
I think we should state the dates of the pogrom and the arrival explicitly, as in Faustian's original proposal, or it reads as-if it was weaseling.User:Volunteer Marek 16:32, 8 December 2015 (UTC)
Also a good idea. And I think this section should be titled "Date of arrival in Poland." If Hagan made a mistake, he wasn't "accusing" the BA, and titling the section "Lwow" could give a careless reader the impression that the BA was responsible. -Darouet (talk) 16:54, 8 December 2015 (UTC)
I tried to implement this on the page. Please everyone make corrections as seen fit. -Darouet (talk) 17:06, 8 December 2015 (UTC)
Looks good to me.User:Volunteer Marek 17:19, 8 December 2015 (UTC)
Looks good to me too. Also, I collapsed the section into the previous one. Hopefully it's okay.Faustian (talk) 20:24, 8 December 2015 (UTC)
I think it's been nailed... One observation, however: any thoughts on collapsing the criticism section a little further into a terse title? At the moment, it looks as if the criticism section has had further criticisms removed, or is awaiting expansion. It just strikes me as looking awkward. --Iryna Harpy (talk) 00:55, 9 December 2015 (UTC)
I was thinking the same thing. Perhaps just "controversies" or just "anti-Jewish violence" and placed as a sub-section within the history section.Faustian (talk) 01:21, 9 December 2015 (UTC)
Yeah, I don't really think "Controversies" is the appropriate name for this section. -Darouet (talk) 01:33, 9 December 2015 (UTC)
In light of the fact that there's only a controversy (noting the singular), and for the sake of precision, my choice would be the latter. Simultaneously, I'm not really comfortable with placing it under "History". --Iryna Harpy (talk) 05:42, 9 December 2015 (UTC)
Looks like three people support renaming, but no consensus to move it into the history section. I'll rename the section but leave it where it is.Faustian (talk) 07:15, 10 December 2015 (UTC)
The Blue Army was in 1918 in France. Point. It wasn't in Moscow nor Lwów nor Melbourne. Hagen's statement proves that Western historians lack basic knowledge regarding Eastern Europe (Asia, South America, everywhere outside WASP lands). We aren't oblidged to collect any trash of flat earth type. The same Hagen doesn't however mention the Blue Army in his 2005 article extensively quoted in Lwów pogrom (1918). It seems that Hagen has learned, we don't. Xx236 (talk) 07:49, 9 December 2015 (UTC)
Careful. Misidentifying the name of a unit involved in an atrocity in one source does not mean that the historian lacks "basic knowledge" or that the source itself is "trash." A Polish historian,Joanna B. Michlic, also blames the Blue Army for the Lwow pogrom, so it's not even a mistake limited to Westerners: [7]. The reason for this misidentification is natural: the Blue Army had built a reputation for its anti-Jewish violence.Faustian (talk) 13:07, 9 December 2015 (UTC)
Joanna B. Michlic is a British historian, who started to study in Poland (which Poland? Maybe PRL?
Repeating steretypes isn't academic historiography and the number of believers doesn't make a stereotype true.

Xx236 (talk) 06:41, 10 December 2015 (UTC)

Her middle name Beata plus the fact that her undergraduate degree was from the University of Lodz suggests that she is Polish. Her book was published by an academic press. Here is her bio: [8]. It's a simple misidentification, worth noting but not enough to disqualify a source as not being academic.Faustian (talk) 07:10, 10 December 2015 (UTC)
I'm sorry for my poor English. I don't disqualify the book, but errors in books should be corrected by authors or editors rather than discussed in Wikipedia. If an author doesn't correct his/her errors he/she asks to be criticised. She quotes reference 13, which I'm unable to see. Any author is responsible for the verification of his/her sources, which (surprise, surprise) may be erroneous.
A historian who obtains his/her Dr degree in China and works in China is a Chinese historian, even if (s)he was born in NY.

Xx236 (talk) 07:31, 10 December 2015 (UTC)

Apparently she got an undergraduate degree in Poland, a graduate degree in the UK, and has taught as a professor in the UK and the US. There are rumors she may have a German aunt, and second cousins in Cuba who like Congolese dancing. The chief editor of the academic publishing house that printed her last book once dated a Croatian. I submit this as evidence in my brief against Joanna Michlic, and will let the experts in WP:RS policies decide what is best ;) -Darouet (talk) 22:25, 15 December 2015 (UTC)

Removing a sentence

The section can be trimmed a little by removing the following sentence: "In some areas, local Jews openly sided with the Ukrainians — Jewish civic committees actively recruited able-bodied men to fight in the Ukrainian Galician Army, and Jewish youth served as scouts for the Ukrainian military,[20] but most of the civilians remained neutral.[21]." The reference is to this source: Alexander Victor Prusin (2005). Nationalizing a Borderland: War, Ethnicity, and Anti-Jewish Violence in East Galicia, 1914-1920. Tuscaloosa, AL: University of Alabama Press, pg. 100

Using this phrase is problematic for two reasons. Firstly, this phrase is being used to build the case that killings of civilians were caused by Jewish participation on the Ukrainian side. The source does not state that. Secondly, the source is being selectively quoted to make this case - on page 101 the same source states: "Nevertheless the ZUNR (Ukrianian) government was disappointed that Jews refused to declare themselves openly for the Ukrainian side. Already in December of 1918, the Ukrainian press threatened that if Jews did not take part in Polish-Ukrainian conflict, they would lose their rights as Ukrainian citizens. Such charges mounted as the war progressed..." While the source does conclude that Jewish-Ukrainian relations were better than Polish-Ukrainian relations and that Jews were treated better by Ukrainians than they were by Poles, it neither states that Jews and Ukrainians were in some sort of tight anti-Polish alliance, nor does this source claim that Jews were being attacked as a result of the examples of Ukrainian-Jewish cooperation referenced on pg. 100. Indeed, when the same source describes anti-Jewish violence by Polish soldiers (including the Blue Army) in detail from page 102 to page 106 various reasons for anti-Jewish violence were described - and Jewish participation on the Ukrainian side wasn't listed as one of them. Therefore, using this phrase taken from this source to build a case for why Jews were being attacked seems to be OR.

Any objections to removing this sentence?Faustian (talk) 14:11, 11 December 2015 (UTC)

Similarly, the preceding sentence states: " Individual soldiers who targeted local Jewish and Ukrainian civilians believed that they were collaborating with Poland's enemies, either the Ukrainian Galician Army or Bolshevik Russia.[18][19]" The first reference, [18] is to this source: [9]. This source clearly doesn't have anything to say about this. I don't have access to the other source used as a ref: pg. 117 of Joanna B. Michlic. (2006). Poland's threatening other: the image of the Jew from 1880 to the present . University of Nebraska Press. Perhaps someone can confirm whether this source supports the sentence? Because the previous one clearly does not. A snippet view states "the tendency to legitimize anti-Jewish violence as national self-defense was first found in the speech and actions of officers and soldiers of the Haller and Wielopolska armies in the eastern territories between 1918 and 1919" but no mention of Ukrainians here. This page unfortunately isn't shown on googlebooks in its entirety. Faustian (talk) 14:21, 11 December 2015 (UTC)

Haller and Wielkopolska troops weren't present in Eastern Poland in 1918. Haller was in France and Wielkopolska fought Germans at home.Xx236 (talk) 09:32, 15 December 2015 (UTC)\
Do you suggest I remove that sentence also, Xx236?Faustian (talk) 14:06, 15 December 2015 (UTC)
It's been several days with no objections, so I am removing that first sentence for the reasons outlined. The preceding sentence will have the reference to Encyclopedia Judaica removed because that reference does not support the sentence. Any feedback is welcome!Faustian (talk) 21:32, 14 December 2015 (UTC)
I'm in agreement with you, Faustian. I've been busy on other articles and didn't get around to responding here earlier. --Iryna Harpy (talk) 22:36, 14 December 2015 (UTC)
I think this is OK. However, I will note that Fink, Prusin and Michlic all give scholarly accounts of the origins of anti-semitic violence by the BA (see sources collapsed in above discussions). When this section is re-written, as many agree it should be, I strongly believe that these accounts should be summarized, with attribution, so that readers understand not only that the violence occurred, but also in what context. -Darouet (talk) 22:45, 15 December 2015 (UTC)
Agreed.Faustian (talk) 04:53, 16 December 2015 (UTC)
I think once we trim the article down by removing stuff that shouldn't be there, we can then reorganize it and even add a little, including context.Faustian (talk) 15:02, 16 December 2015 (UTC)

Attempted Removal of Information

The rfc summary was that it may be trimmed, not that it should be or that consensus was to trim. Per rfc, 3 people voted to keep it entirely, one voted to remove it entirely, one voted to trim it but said he could live with it if it wasn't trimmed. Keeping it as is the most popular option.Faustian (talk) 13:49, 13 May 2017 (UTC)

Faustain, what you are doing is a clear case of WP:OWN, literally you sit on this article and prevent any changes to take place. The summary statement of the mediator states "The block-quote may be trimmed." So, please stop trying to own the article. This could be a case for arbitration. You won't even allow for practical changes to improve to sloppy structure of the article. What you added in the past simply stays as is, and you won't allow anyone to touch those parts of the article. --E-960 (talk) 18:54, 14 May 2017 (UTC)
The RFC above had 3 people voting that the stuff be kept in as is. One person, you, wanted it removed. One other person wanted it trimmed but said he could live with it if it wasn't trimmed. You couldn't get your way by having it removed so now you are trying to be disruptive by "trimming it", in your quest to remove negative information, even though the majority of people voting in the RFC wanted the info kept as is.Faustian (talk) 04:30, 15 May 2017 (UTC)

To review, these were the actual votes from the RFC:

  • Remove - entirely---The Encyclopedia Judaica reference source uses language that my be viewed as unbalanced or one-sided, given that other sources cited in this article question the scale and ferocity of the attacks (such attacks were purpotraited by only a fraction of the soldiers and not the entire 68,000 strong army). Thus, to display the entire text form the encyclopedia is questionable (over emphasizing one view of the events), especially that this is not a common practice in WP, to write in an entire paragraph into the reference. Also, the fact that the text was taken down (not updated or replaced) by the website my suggest possible issues behind the statement and possible problems with the reference. --E-960 (talk) 17:56, 2 April 2017 (UTC)
  • Keep footnote as is, and stop drawing unwarranted assumptions from the fact that a third party removed the encyclopedia article from its website. The article has not, to my knowledge, been withdrawn or disclaimed by the encyclopedia's publisher. Also, please read WP:Requests for comment for information about how to start an RfC properly, something you have failed to do -- once again. — MShabazz Talk/Stalk 18:23, 2 April 2017 (UTC)
  • Keep. Information is relevant and Encyclopedic. Because the source is no longer on-line, removing direct quotes might lead editors to later question the content of the information in the article and seek its removal. Leaving the direct quote in the footnote keeps the information in, without cluttering the article.Faustian (talk) 13:16, 10 April 2017 (UTC)
If those with access to the the full EJ find that the article is still there, that is sufficient. Just tag the cite url with a paywall template parameter, per normal, and if we have an archive-url that works, that's great. As for over-quotation: Faustian, your rationale above is the same one always offered for over-quotation. There is no bright red line; it's fuzzy and a judgement call. I think the amount of quotation is unnecessary, and can be trimmed. I won't keel over and die if it isn't. But I've rarely seen a large block quote that can't be compressed with elision, truncation or both. — SMcCandlish ¢ʌⱷ҅ʌ 13:05, 30 April 2017 (UTC)
  • Keep -entirely Bot summoned. Nothing wrong with it being an archived link, and nothing wrong with the whole paragraph. 13:44, 18 April 2017 (UTC)

So - 3 Keep completely, 1 Remove, and 1 keep but trim, with the caveat that " I think the amount of quotation is unnecessary, and can be trimmed. I won't keel over and die if it isn't." Majority wanted to keep, but E-960 decided to trim anyways, and then falsely accuses me of trying to WP:OWN the article, when his own behavior can be described as that.Faustian (talk) 04:44, 15 May 2017 (UTC)

@Faustian:--The closing statement was a reflection of the consensus.Vote's don't matter, their contents do.Winged Blades Godric 05:14, 15 May 2017 (UTC)
As a side-note, I would advise both the parties to discuss on talk rather than indulge in edit-warring.Cheers!Winged Blades Godric 05:14, 15 May 2017 (UTC)
Ok, fair point, as a compromise solution I would like to suggest that we keep the first sentence out of the entire paragraph, but trim out the rest, I think the first sentence summarizes the point nicely without going over the top and keeping the entire encyclopedia entry. --E-960 (talk) 15:08, 16 May 2017 (UTC)
What you want removes 80%of what was written and removes all the information from the citation that isn't covered elsewhere in the article. That is hardly a "compromise." Trimming would involve removing unnecessary or redundant information, or information not about the pogroms. That's what I have just done. Faustian (talk) 15:43, 16 May 2017 (UTC)
Seriously, your reference source edit is like an article section within the reference citiation, I've never came across such an approach until I saw this… really. --E-960 (talk) 16:45, 16 May 2017 (UTC)
Keep WP:Linkrot is not a reason to remove. 7&6=thirteen () 15:10, 16 May 2017 (UTC)
7&6=thirteen, the RfC is already closed, the source will be kept. --E-960 (talk) 15:13, 16 May 2017 (UTC)
Correct, but that's still another editor agreeing to keep. RFC may be closed but these opinions also count for purposes of consensus.Faustian (talk) 15:48, 16 May 2017 (UTC)
Faustian, as I stated above, fair point we should keep the first sentence, but can you pls stop with the WP:OWN and edit warring, at this point you are not allowing anyone to change the text you added in the past, that is ridiculous! What, you are just going to freeze the editing process in this article forever?--E-960 (talk) 16:34, 16 May 2017 (UTC)
Already four people have stated that they want to keep the thing. You are the only one whop wanted to remove it. You didn't get your way, so now you are trying to remove 80% of it. I have tried to make a compromise version that trims a little less than half of it, but that's not enough for you. The only one acting like they own the article is you. Please stop.Faustian (talk) 00:48, 17 May 2017 (UTC)

Winged Blades, the problem with Faustian is that he pushes POV on this article, the BA is not just pogroms, yet user Faustian wants to turn this article into a summary of the EJ statement where the only focus is on pogroms, (as if no other army during a war ever committed atrocities). That's the only thing he pushes on articles related to Polish history. I'm yet to see Faustian compromise on anything, totally egoistic no compromise approach to editing, and a bias towards the Polish side's account of history. You can't touch any part of the text he added in the past 2-3 years or whenever, it shall remain as is until the "internets" go out. --E-960 (talk) 15:18, 18 May 2017 (UTC)

The 'problem is' that it's inappropriate for you to call the kettle black, E-960. You are well aware that the discussion should be kept to the content, not the editor, so please don't shift the dialogue in order to appeal to Winged Blades of Godric based on accusations of 'POV interests' or OWN: it calls equally for scrutiny of your contributions and POV interests. Bias towards the Polish interpretation? This is about context, and I'm certainly in agreement with the "Keep" camp. --Iryna Harpy (talk) 21:09, 18 May 2017 (UTC)
Iryna Harpy, the RfC is closed, and the conclusion was to keep the quote (the same as your recommendation), but to trim the block-quote. Pls see the RfC final summary state statement. That's why what Faustian is doing is nothing more than WP:OWN, because the conclusion of the RfC turned out not how he wanted, you can't get around that fact:
  • "Unanimous consensus to use the ref. source.The block-quote may be trimmed. Winged Blades"

Antisemitic armies of that time

Let's describe anti-semitism everywhere it existed, the Blue Army wasn't the only one.

If you find reliable sources describing such, by all means put the info into the appropriate article. But what does it have to do with this one?Faustian (talk) 05:05, 22 May 2017 (UTC)
This Wikipedia should be integral, to describes facts prortionally.
You are right, I should put my text into several pages/portals - Poland, Ukraine, Antisemitism. Communism. And at the end you will answer me there. Xx236 (talk) 08:55, 22 May 2017 (UTC)
Xx236, that's anti-Polish bias... the text on anti-Jewish violence constitutes the biggest portion of the article, yet even as the sources state, only about 200-500 Jews fell victim to the BA, in a 4 year conflict and an army of 68,000 men. Also, notice how more is said about that issue than about Ukrainian civilians (just to put that into perspective) and the war was between Poles and Ukrainians. Btw, Faustian is also the guy that regularly checks the Massacres of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia article to soften the language used to descrip that event, but goes out of his way to use the most sensationalist language in the BA article. --E-960 (talk) 06:47, 22 May 2017 (UTC)

Separate article

Issue of undue weight, the Morgenthau Report only cites 200-300 Jewish victims in 4 years of war and under an army of 68,000, and that inconsequential when compared to Polish and Ukrainain casualties during the war. If user faustian wants to write a detailed text on the issue, then please create a separate article, but not overload this one. As an example, the US had about 68,000 troops in Afghanistan and killed much more Afghans (including clear abuses), but we don't start off the articles on that war with such matters. So stop with the Polish bashing. --E-960 (talk) 15:11, 25 May 2017 (UTC)

There is no consensus to remove this section. You have actually just lost an RFC in your attempt to remove a source from this section. Morgenthau Report clams 200-3000 Jews murdered by elements of the Blue Army. Howard Sachar claims 400-500. The Blue Army not only killed Jews but also engaged in looting and destruction. One section out of 12 is not undue weight. Please stop edit-warring outside consensus.Faustian (talk) 18:27, 25 May 2017 (UTC)
E-960, essentially you're railing for a WP:POVFORK. No, the content is WP:DUE for this article and should stay within the confines of this article. --Iryna Harpy (talk) 07:56, 26 May 2017 (UTC)
Faustian, I don't know what to say at this point, you clearly have consistency issues, where do you come up with this BS, where did you find 3,000??? Here is a quote from the report, it's 300 not 3,000:
"Jews lost their lives, while in the whole territory now controlled or occupied by the Polish Republic the grand total of deaths from excesses in which anti-Semitism was a factor has not exceeded 300." [10]
You clearly should stop editing Wikipedia, because you really have problems with fact checking, and a bias towards matters related to Polish history. You are skewing the article to make the BA a "pogrom" army. Perhaps, you should get in on the US Army article and just write about the abuses in Iraq and Afghanistan, make them out to be the "Crusader" army… as some in the Muslim world see it. You're doing the same here, pushing Jewish histography on the entire topic, yet you fail to realize that Jewish casualties were very insignificant during this particular conflict. --E-960 (talk) 14:59, 26 May 2017 (UTC)
You are clearly edit-warring against consensus. I encourage you, again, to stop please.Faustian (talk) 18:00, 26 May 2017 (UTC)
  1. ^ William W. Hagen. Murder in the East: German-Jewish Liberal Reactions to Anti-Jewish Violence in Poland and Other East European Lands, 1918–1920. Central European History, Volume 34, Number 1, 2001 , pp. 1-30. Page 8.
  2. ^ Kay Lundgreen-Nielsen, The Polish problem at the Paris Peace Conference: a study of the policies of the Great Powers and the Poles, 1918-1919, pg. 225, Odense University Press, 1979
  3. ^ William Fiddian Reddaway, ed. (1941). The Cambridge History of Poland. J. H. Penson, O. Halecki, R. Dyboski. Cambrige University Press Archive. p. 477. GGKEY:2G7C1LPZ3RN. Retrieved 25 November 2015.
  4. ^ Andrzej Nowak, Kronika Polski Kluszczynski Publishers, 1998 [page needed]