Talk:1992 South African apartheid referendum

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Pictures

If somebody has some pictures of the referendum or something else, don't hesitate do add. I'm sorry, but I am not so good to put pics on Wikipedia. // User:Dr.Poison, January 17, 2005, 22:13

Indeed. If someone could get the figures by constituency or something, I'd be happy to make a map. email me if you have them, please, in case I miss the detail on my watch list. Thanks! — OwenBlacker 01:54, 14 February 2006 (UTC)[reply]

I mentioned earlier that it would be good with a picture, and i'm now thinking about that we could have a pic of the old SA flag (pricevlag?), this because it is a "symbol" of the apartheid regime (in a way)! So if somebody who knows how to ad pics here at wikipedia could do it I would be very happy! I have never done it before so idon't really know how to do it. // User: Dr.Poison

I have put up a picture of the old SA flag. I am not used to puting pictures to a article so if I have violeted some picture rule or something, forgive me. Dr.Poison 22:16, 29 April 2006 (UTC)[reply]

I've made a few small adjustments; feel free to look through them for future reference. dewet|✉ 23:26, 29 April 2006 (UTC)[reply]

Okeay, thanks! It's nice to see that people are interested in this article! I am going to write some more after I read som newsarticles and etc. from that time. ��Dr.Poison 10:27, 30 April 2006 (UTC)[reply]

Reasons for results

Someone has writen some new facts, and I am not so sure if it is NPOV. Dr.Poison 14:35, 2 May 2006 (UTC)[reply]

There are many reasons why a yes vote was passed. 1) Many white South Africans had become fed up of being regarded as a pariah nation. 2) White South Africans had simply become resigned to the inevitability of black rule. 3) The white electorate knew that voting no would further isolate South Africa internationally and bring about further sanctions. 4) South Africans wanted increased access to international trade that they were denied by the sanctions. 5) The white South African electorate naively believed that multi-racial democracy would bring about an end to the violence. 6) Many whites had simply become morally opposed in principle to apartheid. 7) The fact that capitulation to South Africa's blacks was the only option on offer (the idea of a separate white state was discussed by some politicians, but was not offered in the referendum). 8) The government had waged a series of unpopular wars across southern Africa that resulted in a number of lives being lost that was unacceptable to the electorate. 9) An expression of general discontent with De Klerk's predecessors. 10) Many political leaders reluctantly backed the apartheid government because it was fighting against communists in Africa. With the demise of the Cold War and the Soviet Union shortly before the referendum, the apartheid system suddenly lost a significant amount of world support, with the white electorate recognising its position as being untenable.

This sounds not to me like a NPOV . . . ��Dr.Poison 15:09, 2 May 2006 (UTC)[reply]

Yeah, I'm not too happy with it either. I'll see if I can change it refactor it a bit... dewet|✉ 15:30, 2 May 2006 (UTC)[reply]

That would be nice Dr.Poison 07:10, 3 May 2006 (UTC)[reply]

I am going to re-write those reason a litle bit so that they are more of a NPOV Dr.Poison 20:06, 14 May 2006 (UTC)[reply]

I've removed them in the mean time. These are too speculative and analytical for an encyclopedia article, unless for example they're cited as findings of some reputable body. Zaian 22:22, 17 May 2006 (UTC)[reply]

Yes, I think that is much better now. If someone has any more information about this subject, please contribute! ��Dr.Poison 15:34, 18 May 2006 (UTC)[reply]

Nowhere is it mentioned that the Government renaged on its promise of a referendum on any constitutional changes. The referendum was held BEFORE changes had been negotiated and the question was twisted to one of 'should the negotiations continue', rather than 'should there be majority rule in a unitary state'. Funding was unequal, Government controlled media was biased in favour of the yes vote. The print media was ovwerwhelmingly supportive of a yes vote. I know I was there at the time. Its not easy to find references because history has been largely written by the victors in this case, but if anyone can access the Citizen newspaper archives (or even other impartial local media on this issue) around March 1992 its easy to verify what I am saying is true. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 198.161.173.163 (talk) 01:23, 25 April 2008 (UTC)[reply]

The Citizen an impartial source? The origins of the Citizen (created by a very conservative government with state funds) make this impossible. The media around the world is usually more liberal than the government and SA's was no exception (that's why the Citizen was created). I don't deny that it was an unequal fight and that the media were overwhelmingly in favour of YES. Having said that there is no decent precedent in the world why it should be equal. The government of the day decided to support negotiations. They have to state their opinion. They did that. Media editors have their opinions. They stated them. As for the reneging point well please come up with the 'promise' made at the time of the referendum. I remember people asking if there would be another referendum after the negotiations. I don't remember the exact promise. Biscuit1018 (talk) 06:52, 17 April 2012 (UTC)[reply]

I was there at the time too and the above is the truth. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 88.97.38.12 (talk) 11:50, 22 January 2011 (UTC)[reply]

Lest we forget the referendum question was pretty misleading as well. Nobody was really opposed to "negotiations" or "reforms". Such wording is meaningless unless clearly defined. --154.69.48.173 (talk) 13:13, 30 December 2014 (UTC)[reply]

Articles with unsourced statements

I saw that this article is put to the Articles with unsourced statements. Much of the facts that I have writen are from old newspapers and from this site: http://countrystudies.us/south-africa/ If there is anything I have done wrong or something that I should not done, please let me know. �Dr.Poison 10:40, 19 May 2006 (UTC)[reply]

Secondary sources cited should include reference(s) to independent primary source(s). See Wikipedia:Reliable_sources. --WickedHorse 19:32, 26 September 2006 (UTC)[reply]

In addition to this I am curious where the regional results breakdown comes from: shouldn’t the source be cited? Philip Machanick (talk) 14:28, 20 August 2020 (UTC)[reply]

I have put in a reference to the relevant Government Gazette which contains the regional results, at least until we can find a more accessible source for them - htonl (talk) 15:46, 20 August 2020 (UTC)[reply]

A contradiction

This article states that white, coloured and Indian voters were allowed to vote at the start, but later says that only whites were allowed to vote. Which one is correct?

White South Africans could only vote in the referendum. My sources are [1] and [2]. This article has been edited at some point, and the orginal version staited that only whites could vote. Dr.Poison 18:12, 12 October 2006 (UTC)[reply]

This article has been edited with new information, that is faulse:

a) The South African referendum of 1992 was held on March 17, 1992 in South Africa. In it, South Africans were asked to vote in the last tricameral election held under the apartheid system, in which the Coloured and Indian population groups could also vote, to determine whether or not they supported the negotiated reforms begun by State President F.W. de Klerk two years earlier. The result of the election was a large victory for the "yes" side.

It was a referendum and not a parliament election. Only white South Africans had the right to vote in the referendum. My two sources cleary staits this and I can give more sources if wanted. Dr.Poison 18:22, 12 October 2006 (UTC)[reply]

As I said in October, what I know and what my sources clearly staites, it was only white South Africans that where allowed to vote in the referendum. I have many sources on this, if wanted. I have changed it now to the current form, that staites that only whites where allowed to vote, as I haven't seen any sources to the allegation that Indians and Coloureds also had a vote in this referendum. My sources are clear and I have staited them earlier. They all say that only White South Africans had a vote in this referendum. But as far as I am concerned, this is a fact, until I am proven wrong. If there is any problem or anything else such as spelling and so on, please make a edit. Dr.Poison 23:45, 20 December 2006 (UTC)[reply]

Minimum conditions for negotiations with the ANC

The National Party (NP) promised the white voters in South Africa that will not give the country away to the ANC, but they undertake to negotiate for at least certain minimum conditions. Flyers were distributed before the elections, and on the voting day (at voting stations) indicating these minimum conditions of negotiations with the ANC.

If you have copies of these old adverts, please scan it and post it on this article. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 203.206.17.178 (talk) 00:45, 17 March 2010 (UTC)[reply]

Yes they did promise minimum conditions including property rights & a couple of other things. To my recollection these were all protected (or almost all) by the new constitution. Biscuit1018 (talk) 06:56, 17 April 2012 (UTC)[reply]

Sources

The 1992 referendum: Twenty years on, FW De Klerk, Politicsweb, 16 March 2012
De Klerk's Question for Whites: 'Do You Support Reform?', Los Angeles Times, 25 February 1992
South African Whites Ratify De Klerk's Move to Negotiate with Blacks on a New Order, New York Times, 19 March 1992
"Chapter 2: Evolution of the white right" in 'Volk', Faith and Fatherland: The Security Threat Posed by the White Right, Institute for Security Studies, 2003.

Minimum conditions for negotiations with ANC being removed from this article

It is clear some auditors are trying to remove information related to:

A) The minimum conditions for negotiations with the ANC; and B) The promise of a second referendum - where the white people had to "approve / disapprove the negotiated settlement" with the ANC.

This is a deliberate attempt to remove reality from the History books.

The article: 20 YEARS AFTER THE 1992 REFERENDUM, written by FW de Klerk - illustrated and confirmed some of the facts. http://www.politicsweb.co.za/politicsweb/view/politicsweb/en/page71654?oid=286925&sn=Detail&pid=71616

That article says absolutely nothing about a "second referendum". The only information I can find about a purported second referendum is in this news article from the time:

"[De Klerk] suggested that, if he wins, it will be the last referendum of white voters only in the country.

[...]

At a news conference later, he said he would interpret a yes vote, even by a majority of one vote, as authority to enter into binding agreements with the African National Congress and other leaders of the black majority--without seeking further approval from the white minority. "It would be meaningless if we win the referendum, if we succeed in attaining in negotiation exactly what we say we are going to negotiate, to once again go back and say you must re-authorize it," he said.

But he added that a second referendum might be necessary, if the final, negotiated version of the constitution differs substantially from what the government has promised white constituents."

This is quite far from the suggestion that a second referendum was promised or required.

If you want to add information to the article about "minimum conditions", feel free: but do it by writing up a description referenced to reliable sources. Don't just copypaste the letter from FW. That letter could perhaps be used as a reference, though it would be better to have a source from 1992 rather than what FW now claims he said at the time. - htonl (talk) 09:51, 4 July 2012 (UTC)[reply]

Please add the information available to the article

As you keep deleting information from the article regarding the "conditions for negotiations" and the second referendum, will you please add it youself. Please add the info you provided to the article, as it forms part of the history. You deleted parts of the history you don't like. It shows you are biast, and not prepared to let the facts speak for itself.

Mr. FW de Klerk didn't ask for "a black cheque" and it is rediculous to believe he didn't make promises before the referendum. We need a full list of all the promises in this article. The ANC agreed with some, and disagreed with others. This is the way negotiations go. You are biast if you delete the promises from the list whom you don't like.

His own newsletter can be seen as a reliable source, because he has proper records of his own actions, and he was the State President at the time during the negotiation process. It's not the one or other obscure reporter writing an article in a "mainstream media's" newspaper.

Dispute - Removing information related the conditions for negotiations & Second referendum

All information regarding the conditions for negotiations with the ANC & Second referendum (initially promised by the National Party) are deleted from the article. It clearly indicates biast. This is a clear example of the biast nature of Wikipedia.

This article is badly written, as all relevant information related to this subject is deleted. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 124.148.68.42 (talk) 23:47, 4 July 2012 (UTC)[reply]

The following paragraph is currently contained in the article:

De Klerk told the press that he would interpret a majority "Yes" vote as a mandate to enter into binding agreements with the ANC and other black leaders, without further approval from white voters. He stated that a second referendum to approve the terms of the constitutional settlement would not be necessary unless they differed "substantially" from the government's promises.^[1]^[2] These promises included a bill of rights, separation of powers between the branches of government, an independent judiciary, and a Parliament consisting of two houses.^[1]^[3]

What do you disagree with in this paragraph? - htonl (talk) 21:03, 5 July 2012 (UTC)[reply]

1. This paragraph is a good starting point, but it needs further improvement. 2. You can't omit facts when it doesn't suit your one-sided agenda. 3. All the promises made by the National Party before the 1992 referendum needs to be listed. You can't just list selected promises, meaning only promises made which you like. If some of the promises are uncomfortable for you, it still needs to be listed as it is reality - and it was promises made. 4. Some of the promises was for the advantage of all South Africans, e.g. Language rights; protection of minorities, etc. 5. Only links to external information is unacceptable as the external links are often removed or deleted. 6. Proper reference needs to be made to the promised second referendum. This promise was made before the referendum, but withdrawn after the referendum. Facts needs to be listed, even if you don't like it. 7. If you are trying to portray to are factual, you need to list ALL the facts, and not delete the facts you don't like. 8. During 1992, the Internet wasn't as prominent as today. Therefore the sources will contain information from old newspapers and flyers. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 124.149.137.234 (talk) 00:16, 6 July 2012 (UTC)[reply]

I did not "select" promises based on "which I like"; I listed what was mentioned in the LA Times article. If you want to add, for example, "proportional representation; a strong regional basis for the future dispensation; the maintenance of language and cultural rights; and community-based education for those who want it" to the list I have no objection (though I don't know what "community-based education for those who want it" is supposed to mean). As I have mentioned it would be better to see a source from 1992, rather than FW's press release from this year - he is not exactly an impartial reporter in this matter.

As to the "second referendum", there is simply no evidence that such a referendum was promised, and as noted there is clear evidence that FW himself said that no second referendum would be required. If you can bring reliable sources about this alleged second referendum promise, then we can talk about adding it to the article.

Finally, as to the question of linking to external sources: linking is how Wikipedia works. In fact, it is how the Web works. If you are concerned about the possibility of a linked page disappearing, you can use something like WebCite to preserve it. But you simply cannot wholesale copy external sources into the main article or this talk page. - htonl (talk) 04:05, 6 July 2012 (UTC)[reply]

" linking is how Wikipedia works. In fact, it is how the Web works." - Links are never required when stories about "the evils of Apartheid", or phony stories about e.g. Climate change, Hitler or the Holohoax is written. Then, it's not necessary to provide links. Entire articles are written without a single links on Wikipedia. It's double standards. Many articles are written in wWikipedia without a single link to a Zionist media source. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 58.7.60.147 (talk) 15:52, 7 July 2012 (UTC)[reply]

References

^ ^a ^b Kraft, Scott (25 February 1992). "De Klerk's Question for Whites: 'Do You Support Reform?'". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 4 July 2012.
^ Wren, Christopher S. (19 March 1992). "South African Whites Ratify De Klerk's Move to Negotiate with Blacks on a New Order". New York Times. Retrieved 4 July 2012.
^ de Klerk, FW (16 March 2012). "20 years after the 1992 referendum" (Press release). Retrieved 4 July 2012.

Link to "Martin Schönteich and Henri Boshoff" Report " ‘Volk’, Faith and Fatherland " - should be in the list of references

A link to the pdf report of Martin Schönteich and Henri Boshoff was removed from the article. The article was written in a scientific style with proper references. In the HTML link on the reference page, these references were removed or omitted.

http://dspace.cigilibrary.org/jspui/bitstream/123456789/31372/1/Mono81.pdf?1

" This study and its publication is funded by the European Union, Ford Foundation, USAID and the United States Embassy in South Africa." — Preceding unsigned comment added by 58.7.152.173 (talk) 14:37, 10 July 2012 (UTC)[reply]

OK, I honestly don't understand the problem here. The PDF and the HTML document both have the same footnotes in the relevant section: "...organised business in South Africa.⁴⁷" and "...to get its message across.⁴⁸" In the case of the PDF, to see the references you have to scroll down to the Notes section at the end of the document; in the case of the HTML version, you have to go to the Notes page. I don't see the difference. - htonl (talk) 14:45, 10 July 2012 (UTC)[reply]

References to the 1992 Apartheid referendum

Researchers, which are interested in finding information on the 1992 Apartheid referendum, may consult the listed sources in the report written by "Martin Schönteich and Henri Boshoff" " ‘Volk’, Faith and Fatherland "

The pdf file: http://dspace.cigilibrary.org/jspui/bitstream/123456789/31372/1/Mono81.pdf?1

A link to the above file was previously removed, and replaced with a link containing only some information.

References:

1. R Scruton, A Dictionary of Political Thought, Pan Books, London, 1983, p 408. 2. D L Sills (ed.), International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, The Macmillan Co. & The Free Press, Vol 13, p 298. 3. A Vincent, Modern Political Ideologies, Blackwell Publishers, Oxford, 1994, p 158. 4. Ibid, p 159. 5. Ibid, p 163. 6. J Van Rooyen, Hard Right. The New White Power in South Africa, I B Tauris Publishers, London, 1994, pp 2–3. 7. H Zille, The right wing in South African politics, in: P L Berger and B Godsell (eds), A Future South Africa. Visions, Strategies and Realities, Human & Rousseau/Tafelberg, Cape Town, 1988, p 65. 8. A D Smith, The Ethnic Revival in the Modern World, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1981, pp 19–20. 9. Van Rooyen, Hard Right. The New White Power in South Africa, op cit, pp 62–63. 10. H Adam and K Moodley, The Negotiated Revolution. Society and Politics in Post- Apartheid South Africa, Jonathan Ball Publishers, Johannesburg, 1993, p 154. 11. See W J de Kock, The Anglo-Boer War, 1899–1902, in: C F J Muller (ed.), 500 Years. A History of South Africa, Academica, Pretoria, 1981, pp 328–361. 12. For a personal account of the guerrilla war written by a young Boer see: D Reitz, Commando. A Boer journal of the Boer War, Faber and Faber, London, 1983. 13. No author, Die uitdaging aan die Afrikanervolk en die rol van die HNP as die verteenwoordiger van Afrikaner-Nasionalisme, <http://www.hnp.org.za/Afrkns/ vrae/uitdagng.htm>, paragraph 6, p 1 (15 November 2002); no author, Moes hy opstand deur BKA verhoed? Constand Viljoen Uitgedaag, <http://www.hnp. org.za/Afrkns/viljoen/viljoen.htm>, (17 December 2002). 14. Van Rooyen, Hard Right. The New White Power in South Africa, op cit, p 43. 15. Ibid, p 8. NOTES 16. Ibid, p 9. 17. No author, Patriot, 3 August 1990, cited in: J Van Rooyen, Hard Right. The New White Power in South Africa, op cit, p 44. 18. See G C Visser, OB Traitors or Patriots?, Macmillan South Africa, Johannesburg, 1976. 19. M de Witt Dippenaar, The History of the South African Police 1913 – 1988, Promedia Publications, Silverton, 1988, p 173. 20. H Adam, The Ultra-Right in South Africa, Optima, Marshalltown, 1987, p 42. 21. P J Furlong, Between Crown and Swastika. The Impact of the Radical Right on the Afrikaner Nationalist Movement in the Fascist Era, Witwatersrand University Press, Johannesburg, 1991, pp 201–218. 22. Van Rooyen, Hard Right. The New White Power in South Africa, op cit, pp 15–16. 23. Van Tonder left the National Party in 1961. See M Pabst, Drama Südafrika. Ein Spiel mit fünf Akteuren, vielen Statisten und einem offenen Ende, Verlagsgemeinschaft Anarche, München, 1993, p 248. 24. R Van Tonder, Boerestaat, Boerestaat Party, Randburg, 1990 (English translation), p 65. 25. See J H P Serfontein, Die Verkrampte Aanslag, Human & Rousseau, Pretoria and Cape Town, 1970, pp 118–218. For more information on the HNP see their website <http://www.hnp.org.za> (15 November 2002). 26. H Kotzé and A Greyling, Political organisations in South Africa, Tafelberg Publishers, Cape Town, 1991, p 113. 27. B M Schoeman, Vorster se 1 000 Dae, Human & Russeau, Cape Town, 1974, p 183, as cited in: Van Rooyen, Hard Right. The New White Power in South Africa, op cit, p 19. 28. Ibid, p 20. 29. Kotzé and Greyling, op cit, p 114. 30. Van Rooyen, Hard Right. The New White Power in South Africa, op cit, p 18. 31. Ibid, p 92. 32. Ibid, p 150. 33. Such a conspiratorial worldview is not unique to the white right in South Africa but is common to most radical right wing philosophies throughout the world. For an USA version of the conspiracy theory see, for example, G Allen, None dare call it conspiracy, Concord Press, Seal Beach, 1971. See also: R Gillette, The Illuminati Page, <http://members.tripod.com/~RobertGillette/Illuminati.html>, 102 ‘Volk’, Faith and Fatherland (14 December 2002); M Fagan, Thirst for Justice. Satanic Plot for a One World Government, <http://www.prolognet.qc.ca/clyde/illumin.htm>, (17 December 2002); T Melanson, Illuminati conspiracy archive, <http://www.conspiracyarchive. com/>, (17 December 2002). 34. D Griffin, Fourth Reich of the Rich, Emissary Publications, South Pasadena, 1979, p 88. 35. P J Pretorius, $ell-Out! The truth behind the history of South African politics, (published by the author), (no place), 1997, p 16. 36. No author, The Conspiracy against South Africa, Think Right, Link Hills, 1989, p 6. 37. A Kemp, Victory or Violence: The story of the AWB, Forma Publishers, Pretoria, 1990, p 5. 38. P W Bingle, AWB. Program van beginsels, Afrikaner-Weerstandsbeweging, Pretoria, (undated), p 16. 39. No author, AWB. Basic principles, Afrikaner-Weerstandsbeweging, Pretoria, (undated). 40. Kemp, op cit, pp 42–57. 41. Van Rooyen, Hard Right. The New White Power in South Africa, op cit, p 65. 42. Ibid, p 123. 43. S Bekker and J Grobbelaar, The white rightwing movement in South Africa: Before and after the May 1987 election, in D J van Vuuren et al (eds), South African election 1987, Owen Burgess Publishers, Pinetown, 1987, pp 67–68. 44. G Evans, Less than half of Afrikaners voted for Nats, Weekly Mail, 15 September 1989. 45. Zille, op cit, p 59. 46. C Cooper, et al, Race Relations Survey 1992/93, South African Institute of Race Relations, Johannesburg, 1993, pp 445–446. 47. Van Rooyen, Hard Right. The New White Power in South Africa, op cit, p 150. 48. M Ottaway, The March 1992 Referendum, in: H Kitchen and J C Kitchen (eds), South Africa. Twelve Perspectives on the Transition, The Washington Papers 165, 1994, p 165. 49. J Grobbelaar, S Bekker and R Evans, Vir Volk en Vaderland. A Guide to the White Right, Indicator SA, Durban, 1989, p 47. 50. Adam and Moodley, op cit, p 151. Martin Schönteich and Henri Boshoff 103 51. Ibid, p 152. 52. Van Rooyen, Hard Right. The New White Power in South Africa, op cit, p 71. 53. J van Rooyen, The White Right, in: A Reynolds (ed.), Election ’94 South Africa. The campaigns, results and future prospects, David Philip, Claremont, 1994, p 89. 54. The Afrikaner Volksfront’s ‘Committee of Generals’ comprised General Viljoen; General Mike Geldenhuys, a former Commissioner of Police; General Kobus Visser, ex-South African Police; and Generals Tienie Groenewald and Dries Bischoff, both former army generals. 55. P Stiff, Warfare by Other Means. South Africa in the 1980s and 1990s, Galago, Alberton, 2001, p 537. 56. No author, Patriot, 4 June 1993, cited in: Van Rooyen, Hard Right. The New White Power in South Africa, op cit, p 193. 57. B Sass, The Might of the Right, African Defence Review 15, 1994, <http://www. iss.co.za/Pubs/ASR/ADR15/Sass.html>, p 2 (17 November 2002). 58. Adam and Moodley, op cit, p 155. 59. Stiff, op cit, p 545. 60. G Kruger, Denksprong vir die regse beweging in Suid-Afrika, Centre for Dynamic Leadership, Pretoria, 1995, p 149. 61. Van Rooyen, Hard Right. The New White Power in South Africa, op cit, p 198. 62. Ibid, pp 208–209. 63. Stiff, op cit, p 544. 64. E Sidiropoulos, et al, Race Relations Survey 1994/95, South African Institute of Race Relations, Johannesburg, 1995, p 127. 65. A Kemp, Vuur en Verraad. Die AWB in Bophuthatswana, Volsung Uitgewers, Johannesburg, 1994. 66. H Hamann, Days of the Generals. The untold story of South Africa’s apartheid-era military generals, Zebra Press, Cape Town, 2001, p 211. 67. Stiff, op cit, p 546. 68. J A Marais, Piet Gous moet antwoord oor IDASA, Die Afrikaner, 21 March 1997; No author, Swart bewussyn, Die Afrikaner, 20 September 2002. 69. No author, Sunday Times, 13 March 1994, as cited in: Reynolds (ed.), op cit, p 96. 70. No author, Biggest bombs in South Africa’s history, Eye on South Africa 1, May 1994, p 1. See also: No author, The Boers Strike Back! The true story of Boer 104 ‘Volk’, Faith and Fatherland resistance to the ANC takeover in South Africa, <http://www.stormfront. org/boers.htm>, (29 November 2002). 71. The TRC was established in December 1995. Its main purpose was to foster reconciliation in South Africa by revealing the truth about killings and other gross violations of human rights committed on all sides between March 1960 (the month of the Sharpeville massacre) and May 1994. 72. Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report, Vol. 5, 1998, pp 236–237, as cited in: H Forgey, et al, South Africa Survey 1999/2000, South African Institute of Race Relations, Johannesburg, 1999, p 352. 73. Forgey, op cit, p 359. 74. E Sidiropoulos, et al, South Africa Survey 1996/97, South African Institute of Race Relations, Johannesburg, 1997, pp 595–596. 75. Ibid, p 594. 76. De Witt Dippenaar, op cit, pp 617–619. 77. See: (no author), Imperial Klans of South Africa, <http://www.kkk.net/ southafrica/index.htm>, (15 November 2002). 78. Kotzé and Greyling, op cit, pp 72–73. 79. Van Rooyen, The White Right, op cit, p 97. 80. No author, Cape Times, 25 April 1994, as cited in: Reynolds (ed.), op cit, p 97. 81. P Waldmeir, Anatomy of a Miracle. The End of Apartheid and the Birth of the New South Africa, Penguin Books, London, 1997, p 239. 82. H Giliomee, J Myburg and L Schlemmer, Dominant Party Rule, Opposition Parties and Minorities in South Africa. Report of the proceedings of a conference hosted on 28–30 June 2000 at Kariega Game Reserve by the Konrad Adenauer Foundation and Department of Political Studies at Rhodes University, p 40. 83. Van Rooyen, The White Right, op cit, p 98. 84. Ibid, p 103. 85. Ibid. 86. E Sidiropoulos, South Africa Survey 1995/96, South African Institute of Race Relations, Johannesburg, 1996, p 451. 87. Ibid, p 452. 88. Ibid, pp 456–457. 89. Sidiropoulos, et al, South Africa Survey 1996/97, op cit, pp 549–550. Martin Schönteich and Henri Boshoff 105 90. Section 31, Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Act no. 108 of 1996. 91. Sidiropoulos, et al, South Africa Survey 1996/97, op cit, p 595. 92. Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities Act no. 19 of 2002. The Act came into effect on 30 November 2002. 93. Forgey, et al, op cit, p 542. 94. Ibid, p 541. 95. J Basson, Cassie Aucamp kry op sy baadjie, Die Afrikaner, 6 December 2002, <http://www.hnp.org.za/afrikaner/desember06/nuus3.htm>, (18 December 2002). 96. No author, KP weer besig met nuwe foefies oor ‘eenheid’, Die Afrikaner, 10 August 2001, <http://www.hnp.org.za/afrikaner/augus10/nuus1.htm>, (15 November 2002). 97. J Maluleke, New party for Afrikaner, The Citizen, 24 June 2002. 98. C Phahlane, Symbolism is old, but Afrikaner party has new ideas, The Star, 4 October 2002; J Basson, Cassie Aucamp kry op sy baadjie, op cit. 99. No author, New party dismissed as ‘the poor man’s NNP’, The Star, 25 June 2002. 100. No author, Redaksioneel, Storm, June–August 2002, <http://www.awb.co.za/ storm_a_1_junaug02.htm>, (18 December 2002). 101. Zille, op cit, p 61. 102. Smith, op cit, p 69. 103. Zille, op cit, p 70. 104. A Swart (ed.), …en hier is nou ons nuwe Boerevolkstaat, Oranjewerkers Promosies, Pretoria, 1985, p 17. 105. Van Rooyen, Hard Right. The New White Power in South Africa, op cit, p 47. 106. No author, Boerevolk Veronreg, Storm, Aug–Sept 2001, <http://www.awb. co.za/storm_a_2_augsept01.htm>, p 2 (18 December 2002). Translated from the Afrikaans by the authors. 107. For a fairly general pro-partitionist discussion see I J van der Walt, Partisie… enigste uitweg vir Suid-Afrika, Universum Uitgewers, Potchefstroom, 1991. 108. R F A Hoernlé, South African Native Policy and the Liberal Spirit, Witwatersrand University Press, Johannesburg, 1945, pp 168–178. See also P N Malherbe, Multistan: A Way Out of the South African Dilemma, David Philip, Cape Town, 1974. 106 ‘Volk’, Faith and Fatherland 109. K von der Ropp and J Blenck, Republik Südafrika: Teilung oder Ausweg?, Aussenpolitik 27(3), 1976, pp 308–324; K von der Ropp, Is Territorial Partition a Strategy for Peaceful Change in South Africa?, International Affairs Bulletin 3(1), June 1979, pp 36–47; K von der Ropp, Afrikaner-Israel kan ‘n tweede Lebanon verhoed, Vrye Weekblad, 27 October 1989. 110. Scruton, op cit, p 345. 111. E Lourens and H Kotzé, South Africa’s non-unitary political alternatives, in: A Venter (ed.), South African Government and Politics, Southern Book Publishers, Johannesburg, 1989, p 296. 112. Ibid. 113. A Du Pisani, Partisie, in: D J van Vuuren and D J Kriek (eds), Politieke alternatiewe vir Suider-Afrika: Grondslae and perspektiewe, Macmillan, Johannesburg, 1982, p 238. For a pro-secessionist argument in a South African context see A W G Raath, Selfbeskikking en Sessessie. Die Saak vir die Afrikanervolk, Afrikanervryheidstigting, (no place), 1990. 114. G Babb, Scrambling the egg. Partition and secession in Africa’s conflicts, Southern Africa Special Dispatch 3(8), August/September 1990, p 12. 115. Smith, op cit, p 136. 116. Adam and Moodley, op cit, p 151. 117. Van Tonder, op cit, pp 91–95. 118. Lourens and Kotzé, op cit, p 300. 119. Van Tonder, op cit, pp 74–89. 120. Ibid, p 77. 121. No author, Boerevolk Veronreg, Storm, Aug–Sept 2001, <http://www.awb. co.za/storm_a_2_augsept01.htm>, p 2 (18 December 2002). 122. D Guise, Freedom for All. The Orange River Proposals, No publisher, Auckland, 1993, pp 160–161. 123. C W H Boshoff, C J Jooste, M R Marais and D J Viljoen, Die Volkstaat as Afrikanerbestemming, SABRA, Pretoria, 1989, p 65. 124. J de Vos, Die Volkstaat as alternatief vir die polities-staatkundige herstrukturering van Suid-Afrika, unpublished MA thesis, University of the Orange Free State, Bloemfontein, 1990, pp 215–216. 125. No author, Die Volkstaat en die gebiedsaanduidings daarvoor, Vryheidstrek, Elsburg, 1991, pp 26–41. 126. Zille, op cit, p 62. 127. Ibid. Martin Schönteich and Henri Boshoff 107 128. Van Rooyen, Hard Right. The New White Power in South Africa, op cit, p 81. 129. Kotzé and Greyling, op cit, pp 196–197. 130. No author, Vryheidsfront Beleid. Dertig stellings oor die Afrikaner in ‘n eie grondgebied, <http://www.vryheidsfront.co.za/a/beleid_watisvolkstaat.asp>, (15 November 2002). 131. See, for example, A P Treurnicht, Credo van ‘n Afrikaner, Tafelberg Publishers, Cape Town, 1975, pp 6–11. 132. G Leach, The Afrikaners. Their Last Great Trek, Southern Book Publishers, Johannesburg, 1989, p 113. 133. Grobbelaar, Bekker and Evans, op cit, p 37. 134. Van Rooyen, Hard Right. The New White Power in South Africa, op cit, p 38. 135. J H P Serfontein, Brotherhood of Power: An Expose of the Secret Afrikaner Broederbond, Rex Collings Ltd., London, 1979, p 29. 136. Kotzé and Greyling, op cit, pp 89–91. 137. M C Adendorff, Kleurlinggesin weggewys by APK erediens, Die Kerpad 5(5), September 2001, <http://home.mweb.co.za/ke/kerkpad/sept2001/art1.html>, (19 November 2002). 138. No author, Die verkiesingsuitslag… wat nou? Territoriale staatseenheid, Die Kerkpad 3(4), July 1999, <http://home.mweb.co.za/ke/kerkpad/mei99/index. html>, (19 November 2002). 139. No author, Die Burger, 20 August 1990, cited in: Van Rooyen, Hard Right. The New White Power in South Africa, op cit, p 190 (Van Rooyen’s translation). 140. A Snyman, Voice of a prophet, Vaandel Publishers, Mossel Bay, 1999. 141. Ibid, p 210. 142. Ibid, p 175. 143. Ibid, p 244. 144. Ibid, p 190. 145. Ibid, p 213. 146. Ibid, p 241. 147. Ibid, p 334. 148. Ibid, p 221. 149. Ibid, pp 258–259. 150. Ibid, pp 327–328. 108 ‘Volk’, Faith and Fatherland 151. A Snyman and A Snyman, Waarskuwing 2000, Vaandel Uitgewers, Mossel Bay, 1999, p 9. 152. Snyman, op cit, p 238. 153. Ibid, p 241. 154. Ibid, p 259. 155. Ibid, pp 264–265. 156. Ibid, p 208. 157. The religious movement referred to as ‘Israel Identity’ in this monograph is known as ‘Christian Identity’ in the United States. The authors believe this to be a misnomer as ‘Christian Identity’ followers focus on the Old Testament and have little in common with Christianity. See, B Radford, Hating in the Name of God, <http://www.secularhumanism.org/library/aah/radford_10_3.htm>, (27November 2002). 158. Van Rooyen, Hard Right. The New White Power in South Africa, op cit, p 38. 159. No author, Gebeurlikheidsplan, no date, p 8. 160. No author, What is Christian Identity? Also known as Israel Identity or British Israelism, <http://www.cryaloud.com/christian_identity_british_israel.htm>, p 3, (15 November 2002). 161. No author, Doctrinal statement of beliefs, <http://www.kkkk.net/doctrinalstatement. htm>, p 2, (15 November 2002). 162. Ibid. 163. E de Waal and B Tolmay, Die Wit Teologie. Quo Vadis?, Anrics Uitgewers, Arcadia, 1991, p 4. 164. No author, What is Christian Identity? Also known as Israel Identity or British Israelism, op cit, p 3. 165. Ibid. 166. J Malan, Israelvisiedwaling Ontmasker, <http://www.bibleguide.com/old/ articles/afrikaans/israelvisie.htm>, p 2, (19 November 2002). 167. Ibid, p 3. 168. See, for example: (No author), Anglo-Israelism; British Israelism; Worldwide Church of God, <http://www.religioustolerance.org/anglo_is.htm>, (15 November 2002); (No author), The Church of the Sons of YHVH, <http://www.churchofthesonsofyhvh. org/>, (15 November 2002); (No author), Esau/Edom, and the Trail of the Serpent, <http://www.biblebelievers.org.au/bb980909.htm>, (15 November 2002). Martin Schönteich and Henri Boshoff 109 169. No author, Doctrinal statement of beliefs, <http://www.kkkk.net/doctrinalstatement. htm>, p 3, (15 November 2002). 170. Ibid. 171. Malan, Israelvisiedwaling Ontmasker, op cit, p 1. 172. Van Rooyen, Hard Right. The New White Power in South Africa, op cit, p 88. 173. No author, The Order and the Phineas Priesthood, <http://www.adl.org/backgrounders/ an_phineas.asp>, (27 November 2002). 174. S van Eck, Thoughts on the Aphineas Priesthood, <http://www.deism.com/ phineas_priests.htm>, (27 November 2002). 175. See also De Waal and Tolmay, op cit, p 6. In some biblical translations ‘beyond the rivers of Ethiopia’ is also referred to as ‘beyond the rivers of Cush’. Cush or Kush is thought to be the upper Nile region. See Holy Bible, New International Version, Bible Society of South Africa, Cape Town, 1986, Zephaniah 3:10. According to the Encarta World English Dictionary, Bloomsbury Publishing, 1999, Cush is a region of north-eastern Africa thought to be where the descendants of Cush settled. It is roughly equivalent to modern Ethiopia, part of northern Sudan, and southern Egypt. Cush was the oldest son of Ham and brother of Canaan (Genesis 10:6). 176. W G Finlay, The bounds of the nation, Federation of the Covenant People, Johannesburg, 1962, pp 5–6 and 25. 177. Ibid, p 30. 178. Ibid, pp 33–34. 179. In his book Strydom reveals his belief in the Israel Identity doctrine. See B Strydom, Barend Strydom die Wit Wolf. ‘n Belydenis, Vaandel-Uitgewers, Mosselbay, 1997, pp 51–52. 180. Van Rooyen, Hard Right. The New White Power in South Africa, op cit, p 97. 181. S Sole, The making of an AWB killer, Sunday Tribune, 17 March 1991. 182. S Carstens, Man wat bom plant wil appél begin teen sy vonnis, Beeld, 4 November 2002. 183. N Mulder, Kritzinger borgappel geweier, Beeld, 1 October 2002; No author, Police obtain recording of bus attack suspect, Panafrican News Agency, 11 August 2000; I de Lange, Bus gunman psychotic?, The Citizen, 4 February 2003. 184. P Honey, Terrorism & the right wing. No sudden revival, Financial Mail, 8 November 2002, <http://free.financialmail.co.za/cgi-bin/pp-print.pl>, (27 November 2002). 185. No author, Willem Ratte convicted for 1997 sabotage, Daily Dispatch, 17 February 2001. 110 ‘Volk’, Faith and Fatherland 186. No author, Willem Ratte and 11 others arrested for alleged weapons theft, SAPA, 10 February 1997. 187. No author, Court hears of bizarre rightwing plot to take over the country, SAPA, 8 May 2001. The four men charged with the weapons haul are Marius Swanepoel, brothers Hendrik and Petrus du Preez and Nicolaas Kirsten. 188. A Maykuth, A white plot for race war was far-fetched, but some believed, The Philadelphia Inquirer, 23 May 2001. No author, Tempe accused tells of plot to kill Mbeki, Daily Dispatch, 29 May 2001. 189. No author, Court hears of bizarre rightwing plot to take over the country, SAPA, 8 May 2001. 190. No author, Johan Niemoller interview by Fred Rundle, Freedom 2000, <http://home.global.co.za/~rundle/johann.html>, (15 November 2002). 191. R Munusamy, Foiled!, Sunday Times, 7 April 2002; N Davids and M Schmidt, The dossier of doom, Sunday Times, 18 August 2002. 192. E de Klerk, Regse sê Vaaldam was op die agenda. ‘Mense moes Siener verkeerd verstaan het’, Beeld, 17 January 2003. 193. J Rantao and C Hooper-Box, Rightwingers had water poison plan, Sunday Tribune, 24 November 2002. 194. J Seepe, NIA boss warns of bombs in December, News24.com, 16 November 2002. 195. M Schönteich, The power to disrupt, Mail & Guardian, 20 September 2002. 196. The three arrested SANDF officers are Col. Machiel Burger (46) of Lohatlha, Lt.Col. Jacques Olivier (32) of Pretoria, and Maj. Pieter van Deventer (38) of Bloemfontein. 197. E Momberg, FW de Klerk ‘was bought’, The Citizen, 23 August 2002. 198. H Otto, Hunt for Boeremag ‘coup plotters’, Pretoria News, 10 September 2002. 199. H Otto, Planned military-style coup not mere ‘brandy and coke talk’, Pretoria News, 20 August 2002. 200. R Munusamy, Foiled!, op cit. 201. S van Niekerk, Right-wing coup plotters held, News24.com, 6 April 2002. 202. R Munusamy, Foiled!, op cit. The three arrestees are two brothers Michael Teshart du Toit (43) and Andre Tibert du Toit (32), and Jacobus Christoffel (‘Rooikoos’) du Plessis (43). 203. No author, White supremacists in SA court, BBC News, 8 April 2002. Martin Schönteich and Henri Boshoff 111 204. R Munusamy, Summit bomb plot foiled, Sunday Times, 8 September 2002. 205. S Sole and S Brümmer, The rise of the Boer al-Qaeda, Mail & Guardian, 1 November 2002. 206. C Thompson, ‘Boer rebels’ foiled, The Citizen, 16 September 2002; R Munusamy, Right wing targets premier, Sunday Times, 15 September 2002; D Schuettler, S. Africa police arrest fugitives in extremist plot, Reuters News Service, 20 September 2002. 207. C Thompson, ‘Boer rebels’ foiled, op cit. 208. Ibid. 209. M le Roux, Mandela slams right-wing plot, Pretoria News, 18 September 2002. 210. B Naidu, We take great pleasure in inviting you to our civil war, Sunday Times Metro, 29 September 2002. 211. Snyman, op cit, p 259. 212. Ibid, pp 264–265. 213. C F J Muller (ed), 500 Years. A History of South Africa, Academica, Pretoria, 1981, pp 400–401. 214. Snyman, op cit, p 76. 215. Ibid, p 79. 216. E Momberg, Breakthrough in coup plot, The Citizen, 5 October 2002. 217. B Beukman and V Keppler, Regse ‘terroriste’ kan nie staatsgreep uitvoer, Naweek- Beeld, 5 October 2002. 218. No author, White supremacists in SA court, BBC News, 8 April 2002. 219. R Rose and B Ngqiyaza, Mbeki puts blame for bombing on right wing, Business Day, 31 October 2002; No author, Night torn by blasts, Sowetan, 31 October 2002. 220. The authors would like to thank the historian Dr Martin Pabst for pointing out these historical Anglo-Boer War days. 221. T Pakenham, The Boer War, Futura Publications, London, 1988, pp 154–155. 222. Ibid, p 536. 223. J Carlin, Bizarre fantasy of the ‘Karoo Klux Klan’, Cape Times, 8 November 2002. 224. Rose and Ngqiyaza, Mbeki puts blame for bombing on right wing, op cit. 225. E Momberg, Boere threats ‘serious’, The Citizen, 12 November 2002. 112 ‘Volk’, Faith and Fatherland 226. Ibid. 227. No author, Right-wing Xmas bomb plot, The Citizen, 9 December 2002. 228. J Seepe, NIA boss warns of bombs in December, News24.com, 16 November 2002. 229. S Kilman, Fertilizer used in McVeigh bomb is still sold with no restrictions, The Wall Street Journal, 3 October 2001. 230. No author, Bomb blast rocks Midrand airport, Pretoria News, 25 November 2002. 231. No author, Bomb goes off in KZN, SAPA, 28 November 2002. 232. A de Beer, White right warns blood may flow, The Citizen, 30 November 2002. 233. R Munusamy, More rightwingers held after raids on farms, Sunday Times, 1 December 2002. 234. E Momberg, Hopper raids hit white right homes, The Citizen, 7 December 2002; No author, More right-wingers’ homes raided, sabcnews.com, 6 December 2002. 235. No author, Top cops’ names on right-wing list, Independent Online, 10 December 2002. 236. L Venter, Soweto bomb suspects bust, The Citizen, 12 December 2002. 237. R Munusamy, How police nailed right-wing suspects, Sunday Times, 15 December 2002. 238. R Munusamy, Arrests thwart Bollywood concert bombing, Sunday Times, 29 December 2002. 239. H Otto, Boeremag doesn’t care ‘who dies’, Pretoria News, 31 January 2003. 240. C Hills, Right-wing campaign to disrupt bomb trials, The Citizen, 14 March 2003. 241. The document refers to the World Trade Centre as being the place where the Illuminati is headquartered. The World Trade Centre was destroyed in a terror attack on 11 September 2001. The document also refers to Janet Reno as the ‘previous’ attorney general of the United States. Janet Reno lost her position as US attorney general with the end of the Clinton administration in November 2000. 242. Snyman, op cit, pp 327–328. 243. Ibid, pp 258–259. 244. Ibid, pp 238 and 241. 245. Ibid, p 265. Martin Schönteich and Henri Boshoff 113 246. A rune is a character in any of several ancient Germanic alphabets used from about the 3rd to the 13th centuries. The earliest Anglo-Saxon texts and inscriptions were written in runes. 247. The document names Eugene de Kock (apartheid-era commander of a Security Police counter-terrorism unit); Clive Derby-Lewis and Janus Walus (convicted for the murder of SA Communist Party leader Chris Hani); Willem Ratte (leader of the Pretoria Boerekommando and ex 32-Battalion major); and Koper Myburgh and Cliffie Barnard (alleged members of the Boere Aanvals Troepe convicted of murder and sabotage for setting off two bombs at a Worcester shopping centre, killing four Coloured shoppers and injuring 60, on Christmas Eve 1996). 248. No author, Aesir, <http://www.timelessmyths.com/norse/aesir.html_Odin>, (18 December 2002). 249. Oswald the Runemaker, OTHILA. The Rune of Acquisition, <http://www.runemaker. com/futhark/othila.shtml>, (18 December 2002). 250. No author, Odal, <http://hemsidor.torget.se/users/r/runloke/en/odal.html>, (18 December 2002). 251. No author, Germanic Futhark Runes, <http://web2.iadfw.net/davegers/runes. htm>, (18 December 2002). 252. No author, Jaap Marais. Die mens en politieke leier, Herstigte Nasionale Party, Pretoria, 1985, p 7. 253. No author, Hate On Display: A visual database of extremist symbols, logos and tattoos, <http://www.adl.org/hate_symbols/racist_odin_rune.asp>, (16 September 2002). 254. E Maluleke, Wanted dangerous minds, SAPA, 21 September 2002. 255. See J Fairbairn, Revolutionary Guerrilla Warfare, Pelican Books, Ringwood, 1974. 256. Interview with South African intelligence official, May 2002. 257. See H Boshoff, A Botha and M Schönteich, Fear in the City. Urban Terrorism in South Africa, ISS Monograph Series 63, September 2001. 258. Interview with senior SAPS official, November 2002. 259. G Gifford and H Otto, Right-wing purge in state forces. Minister reveals plot to plunge country into race war, The Star, 1 November 2002. 260. According to a national survey conducted in 1999, a total of over a third (34.6%) of white Afrikaans speaking respondents said they were: definitely leaving the country (2.4%); considering emigration (5.3%); or would leave if they could (26.9%). See R W Johnson, How to use that huge majority, Focus 16, November 1999, <http://www.hsf.org.za/focus_16/f16Election_survey.html>, (17 January 2003). 114 ‘Volk’, Faith and Fatherland 261. Interview, Z B du Toit, November 1986, as cited in Zille, op cit, p 91. 262. R Williams, Are the right-wing coup plotters just tilting at windmills?, Pretoria News, 11 October 2002. 263. Zille, op cit, p 92. 264. No author, No choice but to back Boeremag: ex-soldiers, The Citizen, 3 December 2002; F Rundle, Freedom fighters or terrorists?, The Citizen, 9 October 2002; J Basson, Histerie oor Boeremag grens aan paniek, Die Afrikaner, 29 November 2002. 265. M du Preez, Seeds of right-wing violence are buried in real fears, The Star, 31 October 2002. 266. See J Battersby, No sympathy for terrorists in modern SA, but why did they do it?, Sunday Independent, 3 November 2002; G Wannenburg, Marginalisation of right helps it recruit for terror. Address right-wing concerns before support for extremists grows, Sunday Independent, 3 November 2002. 267. L Schlemmer, Race relations and racism in everyday life, Fast Facts 9, September 2001, <http://www.sairr.org.za/publications/pub/ff/200109/life.htm>, (16 January 2003). 268. M Sekhonyane and A Louw, Violent Justice. Vigilantism and the state’s response, ISS Monograph Series 72, April 2002, p 36. 269. C Thompson, Militant farmers’ myth, The Citizen, 2 April 2001. 270. For a detailed analysis of the phenomenon of farm attacks in South Africa see: M Schönteich and J Steinberg, Attacks on farms and smallholdings. An evaluation of the rural protection plan, Institute for Security Studies, Pretoria, 2000. 271. L Oelofse, Bela-Bela: a town where still waters run deep. Rightwing sentiments flourish, Pretoria News, 15 November 2002. 272. E Sidiropoulos et al, South Africa Survey 1997/98, South African Institute of Race Relations, Johannesburg, 1998, p 510. 273. Ibid, p 512. 274. E Momberg, Stop Afrikaner massacre – FF, The Citizen, 20 July 2001. 275. Ibid. 276. P Laurence, Struggle for land, a crucial new chapter, Focus 28, 4th Quarter 2002, p 6. 277. A Callinicos, South Africa after Apartheid, International Socialism 70, March 1996, <http://pubs.socialistreviewindex.org.uk/isj70/safrica.htm>, (16 January 2003). Martin Schönteich and Henri Boshoff 115 278. No author, Soothing words from Mbeki, The Herald, 21 June 2001. 279. S Motale, TAU backs FF on hate speech issue, The Citizen, 24 January 2003. 280. S Motale, Kill the Boer slogan ‘is not hate speech’, The Citizen, 17 December 2002. 281. No author, Action: Stop farm attacks, <http://www.tlu.co.za/AKSIE%20STOP% 20PLAASAANVALLE.htm>, (13 January 2003). 282. B Manby, Unequal Protection. The State Response to Violent Crime on South African Farms, Human Rights Watch, New York, 2001, p 145. 283. J Kane-Berman et al, South Africa Survey 2001/2002, South African Institute of Race Relations, Johannesburg, 2001, p 213. Note that Statistics South Africa’s ‘expanded definition’ of unemployment is used. That is, the economically active population who have not worked during the last seven days prior to being interviewed; and want to work, and are available to start work within a week of being interviewed. 284. No author, Solidariteit. Wie is ons?, <http://www.solidarity.co.za/Home/wie. asp>, p 1, (19 November 2002). 285. D Hermann, Balancing affirmative action. Paper delivered at a South African Defence College symposium on equal opportunities and affirmative action, <http://www.solidarity.co.za/home/content.asp?Parentid=14&ID=179>, (19 November 2002). 286. Smith, op cit, p 45. 287. Ibid, pp 45–46. 288. P J Meyer, Nasionalisme: Die onsigbare vlam, in: F A van Jaarsveld and G D Scholtz (eds), Die Republiek van Suid-Afrika. Agtergrond, Ontstaan en Toekoms, Voortrekker Press, Johannesburg, 1966, p 289 [authors’ translation]. 289. H Giliomee, Surrender without defeat: Afrikaners and the South African ‘miracle’, Spotlight 2/97, October 1997, South African Institute of Race Relations, Johannesburg, p 11. 290. H Giliomee, The Majority, Minorities and Ex-Nationalities in South Africa and the Proposed Cultural Commission. Report of the proceedings of a Konrad Adenauer Stiftung conference on ‘The Moral Renaissance: Government, Politics, Ethics and Spirituality’, Johannesburg, 3–4 May 2000, p 42. 291. No author, New language policy for civil service welcomed, SAPA, 4 December 2002. 292. Giliomee, The Majority, Minorities and Ex-Nationalities in South Africa and the Proposed Cultural Commission, op cit, p 40. 116 ‘Volk’, Faith and Fatherland 293. K Macgregor, Afrikaners Object to Enforced English, The Times Higher Education Supplement, 19 July 2002. 294. Language Policy for Higher Education, Ministry of Education, Pretoria, November 2002, p 12. 295. Ibid, p 4. 296. S Motale, School Taal row bubbles, The Citizen, 17 January 2003. 297. T Cohen and C Benjamin, Is radical right a real threat to SA’s democracy?, Business Day, 7 November 2002. 298. P Wilkinson, Terrorism and the liberal state, Macmillan Education, London, 1986, pp 127–128. 299. E Momberg, Police ‘were out of order’, The Citizen, 6 December 2002. 300. Ibid. 301. C Hills, Ornamental guns seized in swoop on Derby-Lewis, The Citizen, 30 November 2002. 302. G Derby-Lewis, No solid evidence, but Right-wing raids continue, The Citizen, 12 December 2002. 303. No author, Right-wingers get bail after explosives charge, The Citizen, 23 January 2003. 304. F Ismail and J Battersby, Maps, bombs seized in swoop on rightwingers, Sunday Independent, 1 December 2002. 305. No author, Nog ‘n regerings-aanslag teen boere?, TAU SA press release, Pretoria, 3 December 2002, <http://www.tlu.co.za/pg16_1_02_49.htm>, (11 December 2002). 306. M Sithole, Suspect claims torture, Daily News, 25 November 2002. 307. Ibid. 308. C Hills, Police beat up sabotage suspects – lawyer, The Citizen, 13 December 2002; H Otto, Rightwingers ‘tortured’ by police, Pretoria News, 24 December 2002; H Otto, Man jailed after secret meeting, Pretoria News, 24 December 2002. 309. H Otto, Cops are ‘torturing rightwingers’, Pretoria News, 31 January 2003. 310. Adam and Moodley, op cit, p 149. 311. R Williams, Are the right-wing coup plotters just tilting at windmills?, Pretoria News, 11 October 2002. 312. J Rauch, N Levine, M Lue and K Ngubeni, Creating a new South African Police Service: Priorities in the post election period, CSVR Occasional Paper, July 1994. Martin Schönteich and Henri Boshoff 117 313. Smith, op cit, p 10. 314. R W Johnson, How to use that huge majority, op cit. 315. Giliomee, Myburg and Schlemmer, op cit, p 39. 316. Ibid, p 46. 317. Ibid, p 48. 318. P Liebenberg, Towards Consolidating Democracy in South Africa, With Special Reference to the Concept of Self-Determination. Report of the proceedings of a workshop conducted by the Konrad Adenauer Foundation and the University of Transkei, 18–20 August 1999, Umtata, p 111. 319. S P Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order, Simon & Schuster, New York, 1996, p 57. 320. Ibid, p 125. 321. T Homer-Dixon, The Rise of Complex Terrorism, Foreign Policy, January/February — Preceding unsigned comment added by 58.7.127.19 (talk) 15:21, 10 July 2012 (UTC)[reply]

Look, I posted this link to the Notes page right there in the previous section. Did you actually read my comment? Anyway, most of these references have absolutely nothing to do with the 1992 referendum, which is not the main topic of the monograph. - htonl (talk) 15:31, 10 July 2012 (UTC)[reply]

To be precise, the potentially relevant references are 47, 48 and 49. The rest have nothing do do with the referendum. - htonl (talk) 15:36, 10 July 2012 (UTC)[reply]

That does not follow

"De Klerk and his government could now claim that the whites were in favour of universal suffrage and that they had a clear mandate to negotiate with the African National Congress." Based on the referendum question, they could not claim that. The wording was indeed misleading. --41.150.217.138 (talk) 10:40, 17 August 2013 (UTC)[reply]

As the article says higher up, "De Klerk told the press that he would interpret a majority 'Yes' vote as a mandate to enter into binding agreements with the ANC and other black leaders, without further approval from white voters." That was before the referendum that he said that. And it had to be clear to anyone in 1992 that "the reform process [...] which is aimed at a new Constitution through negotiation" would end with universal suffrage, since the ANC wouldn't accept anything less. I suppose one might argue that the referendum result didn't show that whites actually supported universal suffrage, only that they were willing to accept it. - htonl (talk) 11:45, 17 August 2013 (UTC)[reply]

State of emergency

The article mentions a state of emergency but doesn't elaborate more on it. – Illegitimate Barrister (talk • contribs), 03:09, 26 May 2018 (UTC)[reply]

Referendum Areas

I have inserted a section about the composition of the referendum areas i.e. regions. In order to keep the corresponding table as compact as possible, the House of Assembly constituencies within each region were listed as notes.

It's also worth noting that regional-level referendum percentage shares for and against the government proposal were fairly similar to those obtained in the earlier 1989 House of Assembly election by NP plus DP and CP plus HNP, respectively. Manuel Alvarez-Rivera (talk) 16:38, 16 February 2024 (UTC)[reply]

[latimes-1] Kraft, Scott (25 February 1992). "De Klerk's Question for Whites: 'Do You Support Reform?'". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 4 July 2012.

[nytimes-2] Wren, Christopher S. (19 March 1992). "South African Whites Ratify De Klerk's Move to Negotiate with Blacks on a New Order". New York Times. Retrieved 4 July 2012.

[fw-3] Klerk, FW (16 March 2012). "20 years after the 1992 referendum" (Press release). Retrieved 4 July 2012.

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