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Phonological changes from Classical Latin to Proto-Romance

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As Classical Latin developed into Proto-Romance, it experienced various sound changes. An approximate summary of changes on the phonemic level is provided below. Their precise order is uncertain.

General changes

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  • /h/ is lost without a trace in all positions.[1]
    • If that results in a collision of identical short vowels, they simply form the corresponding long vowel. Cf. /koˈhorte/ > /ˈkoːrte/.[2]
  • Final (unstressed) /m/ is lost without a trace in polysyllabic words. Cf. /ˈnunkʷam/ > /ˈnunkʷa/.[3]
    • In (stressed) monosyllables it tends to survive as /n/. Cf. /ˈkʷem/ > /ˈkʷen/ > Spanish quién.[4]
  • Clusters consisting of a stop followed by a liquid consonant draw the stress position forward. Cf. /ˈinteɡram/ > /inˈteɡra/.[5]
    • Two apparent counterexamples are /ˈpalpebraːs/ and /ˈpullitra/, judging by the Old French outcomes palpres and poltre.[6]
  • /n/ is lost before fricatives, leaving the preceding vowel lengthened (but no longer nasalised). Cf. /ˈsponsa/ > /ˈspoːsa/.[7]
    • /n/ is often retained or later restored if it belongs to a prefix (in- or con-) or to a word which has forms where a fricative does not follow /n/. Cf. /deːˈfensa/ > French défense, thanks to related forms such as the infinitive /deːˈfendere/ > French défendre.[8]
  • Sequences of two /i(ː)/ generally merge to a single long /iː/. Cf. /au̯ˈdiiː, konˈsiliiː/ > /au̯ˈdiː, koːˈsiliː/.[9]
  • In some outlying rural areas, the diphthongs /ae̯/ and /au̯/ reduce to /eː/ and /oː/ respectively in Classical times. Influence from such dialects made a number of Latin words acquire monophthongized variants early on. Cf. /ˈfae̯ks~ˈfeːks/ or /ˈkau̯lis~ˈkoːlis/. Most words, however, remain unaffected by this.[10]
    • Later, 'mainstream' Latin experiences a general monophthongization of /ae̯/ to /ɛː/,[a] and of /oe̯/ to /eː/, and /au̯/ remains intact in most cases. Cf. /'lae̯ta, 'poe̯na, 'au̯rum/ > /'lɛːta, 'peːna, 'au̯ru/.
  • /w/ turns to the fricative /β/, as does original /b/ in intervocalic position. Cf. /ˈwiːwere, ˈtrabem/ > /ˈβiːβere, ˈtraβe/.[11]
    • Intervocalic /β/ in contact with a rounded vowel tends to disappear. Cf. /ˈriːwus/ > /ˈriːβus/ > /ˈriːus/.[12]
      • It is often restored if other forms of the word have a non-rounded vowel following /β/. Cf. the nominative plural /ˈriːβiː/.[13]
  • In hiatus, unstressed front vowels become /j/, and unstressed back vowels become /w/. Cf. /ˈfiːlius, ˈsapuiː/ > /ˈfiːljus, ˈsapwiː/.[14]
    • The same process also affects stressed front and back vowels in hiatus if they are antepenultimate (in the third-to-last syllable of a word). When /j/ is produced, primary stress shifts to the following vowel, but when /w/ is produced, primary stress shifts instead to the preceding syllable. Cf. /fiːˈliolus, teˈnueram/ > /fiːˈljolus, ˈtenwera/.[15]
    • If /w/ is formed after a geminate consonant, it is deleted. Cf. /batˈtuere/ > /ˈbattwere/ > /ˈbattere/.[16]
    • /w/ is deleted before unstressed back vowels. Cf. /ˈkarduus, ˈunɡuoː/ > /ˈkardwus, ˈunɡwoː/ > /ˈkardus, ˈunɡoː/.[17]
      • /w/ is occasionally deleted before unstressed non-back vowels as well. Cf. /februˈaːrius/ > /feˈβrwaːrjus/ > /feˈβraːrjus/.
      • Similarly, /kʷ/ is delabialized to /k/ before back vowels, whether they are stressed or not. Cf. /ˈkʷoːmodo, ˈkokʷoː/ > /ˈkoːmodo, ˈkokoː/.
    • If those changes result in sequences of /je(ː)/ or /wo(ː)/, they merge to /eː/ and /oː/ respectively. Cf. /paˈrieteːs, duˈodekim/ > /paˈrjeteːs, ˈdwodeki/ > /paˈreːteːs, ˈdoːdeki/.[18]
    • If /j/ forms after /kʷ/, the resulting /kʷj/ simplifies and delabializes to /kj/. Cf. /ˈlakʷeum/ > /ˈlakʷju/ > /ˈlakju/.[19]
  • /u/ raises before /i(ː)/ or /j/. Cf. [ˈkʊi̯, ˈfʊiː] > [ˈkui̯, ˈfuiː] > Italian cui, fui[20] (not *coi, *foi).
  • /ɡ/ before /m/ vocalizes to /u̯/. Cf. /fraɡˈmenta, ˈsaɡma/ > /frau̯ˈmenta, ˈsau̯ma/.[21]
  • /ks/ is reduced to /s/ before or after a consonant or at the end of words of more than one syllable. Cf. /ˈkalks, ˈsekstus/ > /ˈkals, ˈsestus/.[22]
    • Intervocalically, it sometimes metathesizes to /sk/. Cf. /ˈwiːksit/ > /ˈβiːskit/.
  • Words beginning with /sC/ receive an initial supporting vowel [ɪ], unless they are preceded by a word ending in a vowel. Cf. [ˈskɔla] > [ɪsˈkɔla].[23]
    • The earliest unambiguous attestations occur in inscriptions of the second century AD.[24] In some languages, such as Spanish, word-initial /sC/ remains phonologically forbidden to this day. In other Romance varieties, such as Romanian, the supporting vowel seems to have been abandoned early on, resulting in restoration of initial /sC/. Although there is barely any direct inscriptional evidence of the supporting vowel in Latin inscriptions in the Balkans,[25] its development and subsequent loss is considered to be indirectly attested by the dropping of word-initial /e/ before /sC/ in cases in which it was not originally a supporting vowel such as in words such as Romanian spulbera 'to dust', from *ex-pulverāre.[26] Compare also /ˈskala, eksˈkadere/ > *[ɪsˈkala, eskaˈdere] > Italian scala, scadere; French échelle, échoir.[27]
  • /eː/ and /oː/ before /stj/ are raised, respectively, to /iː/ and /uː/. Cf. /ˈbeːstia, ˈoːstium/ > /ˈbiːstja, ˈuːstja/ > Italian biscia, uscio.[28]
  • Compound verbs stressed on a prefix are usually reconstructed according to their prefixless equivalent, with their stress shifted forward from the prefix. Cf. /ˈdispliket/[b] > */disˈplaket/, by analogy with the simplex form /ˈplaket/.[29]
    • /ˈrekipit/ simply yields /reˈkipit/ (rather than */reˈkapit/), perhaps because the verb, while recognisable as a compound, was not easy to identify with the original /ˈkapit/.
    • Some words such as /ˈkolliɡoː/ 'fasten' are apparently not recognised as compounds at all and so remain unchanged.
  • Monosyllabic nouns ending in a consonant receive an epenthetic final /e/. Cf. /ˈrem/ > /ˈren/ > /ˈrene/ > French rien.[30]
  • Phonemic vowel length gradually collapses via the following changes (which only affect vowel length, not quality):[31]
    • Long vowels shorten in unstressed syllables.
    • Long vowels shorten in stressed closed syllables.
    • Short vowels lengthen in stressed open syllables.
  • On account of the above, the vowel inventory changes from /iː i eː e a aː o oː u uː/ to /i ɪ e ɛ a ɔ o ʊ u/, with pre-existing differences in vowel quality achieving phonemic status and with no distinction between original /a/ and /aː/. Additionally:
    • Unstressed /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ merge into /e/ and /o/ respectively.[32]
    • In the second syllable of words with the structure [ˌσσˈσσ], /i/ and /u/ merge into /ɪ/ and /ʊ/ respectively.[33]
  • Word-internal /j/ merges into a preceding consonant and palatalises it. Cf. /ˈkaːseum/ > /ˈkaːsju/ > /ˈkasʲu/ > Italian /ˈkatʃo/.[34]

Sporadic changes

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  • Vowels other than /a/ are often syncopated in unstressed word-internal syllables, especially in contact with liquid consonants or, to a lesser extent, nasal consonants or /s/. Cf. /ˈanɡulus, ˈkalida, ˈspekulum/ > /ˈanɡlʊs, ˈkalda, ˈspɛklu/.[35]
    • In a few words, unstressed initial syllables followed by /r/ experience syncope. Cf. /kʷiriːˈtaːre, diːˈreːktus/ > /kriˈtare, ˈdrektʊs/.[36]
    • If this results in /β/ being followed by a consonant, it may vocalize to /u̯/. Cf. /ˈfabula/ > /ˈfaβla/ > */ˈfau̯la/[37] > Italian fòla[38] (cf. Romanian faulă).
    • If syncope results in /tl/, the cluster is generally replaced by /kl/. Cf. /ˈwetulus/ > /ˈβɛklʊs/.[39]
  • In cases where a long vowel precedes a geminate consonant, one of the elements often shortens unpredictably, sometimes leading to such doublets as /ˈkuppa~ˈkuːpa/ > /ˈkʊppa~ˈkupa/ > Spanish copa, cuba; French coupe, cuve.[40]
    • Long vowels sometimes shorten early on in closed syllables even if followed by two different consonants, leading to variations such as /ˈuːndekim~ˈundekim/ > /ˈundekɪ~ˈʊndekɪ/ > Italian undici, Spanish once.[41]
    • Conversely, the cluster [ŋk] may lengthen preceding vowels early on. Cf. [ˈkʷɪŋkʷɛ] > [ˈkʷiːŋkʷɛ] > [ˈkiŋkʷɛ].[42]
  • Pretonic vowels sporadically assimilate to or dissimilate from the stressed vowel of the following syllable.[43]
    • /a/ can dissimilate to /o/ before a following /a/. Cf. /naˈtaːre/ > /noˈtare/.
    • /iː/ can dissimilate to /e/ before a following /iː/. Cf. /diːˈwiːnus, wiːˈkiːnus/ > /deˈβinʊs, βeˈkinʊs/.
    • /au̯/ can dissimilate to /a/ before a following /u(ː)/. Cf. /au̯ˈɡustus, au̯skulˈtaːre/ > /aˈɡʊstʊs, askʊlˈtare/.
    • /o/ can dissimilate to /e/ before a following back vowel. Cf. /roˈtundus, soˈroːre/ > /reˈtʊndʊs, seˈrore/.
    • /i/ can assimilate to a following /a(ː)/. Cf. /silˈwaːtikus/ > /salˈβatɪkʊs/.
    • /eː/ can assimilate to a following /oː/. Cf. */reːniˈoːne/ > */roˈnʲone/.
    • /iː/ can assimilate to a following /eː/. Cf. /diːˈreːktus/ > */deˈrektʊs/.
  • /oː/ and /u/ may yield a low-mid vowel if followed by /β/. Cf. /ˈoːwum, ˈkolubra/ > /ˈɔβu, koˈlɔβra/ > Italian uovo, Sardinian colòra.[44]
  • /a/ may yield a mid vowel if preceded by /j/. Cf. /jakˈtaːre/ > */jekˈtare/.[45]
  • /r/ assimilates to a following /s/ in a number of cases. Cf. /ˈdorsum/ > /ˈdɔssu/.[46]
    • After a long vowel, the resulting /ss/ reduces to /s/. Cf. /ˈsuːrsum/ > /ˈsusu/.
  • Initial /kr/ and /kV/ sometimes voice. Cf. /ˈkrassus/ > /ˈɡrassʊs/.[47]
    • This is particularly frequent with borrowings from Greek. κρυπτή, καμπή > */ˈɡrʊpta, ˈɡamba/ > Italian grotta, gamba.[48]
  • /nd/ sometimes assimilates to /nn/. Cf. the alternation grundīre~grunnīre.[49]
  • There is occasional loss or assimilation of final /s/, but it is nowhere regular until a much later period.[50]
  • When two neighbouring syllables each contain /r/, one /r/ frequently dissimilates to /l/ or is deleted.[51]

See also

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Notes

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  1. ^ Note that the result is an open-mid /ɛː/, distinct from the close-mid /eː/ that results from the earlier 'rural' monophthongization.
  2. ^ Etymologically dis- + placet, with the unstressed /a/ modified to /i/ in Old Latin. In the unprefixed form placet, the /a/ remained unchanged since it was stressed.

References

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  1. ^ Grandgent 1907:§§249–250; Pope 1934:§155.1
  2. ^ Lausberg 1970:§251
  3. ^ Pope 1934:§205
  4. ^ ()Lausberg 1970:§530; Hall 1976:180
  5. ^ Pope 1934:§214.2; Lausberg 1970:§149.1
  6. ^ Grandgent 1907:§134
  7. ^ Allen 1965:27–29
  8. ^ Grandgent 1907:§31; Jensen 1972:74
  9. ^ Grandgent 1907:§227
  10. ^ Allen 1965:60–62; Lloyd 1987:105–107. This citation covers the following bullet-point as well.
  11. ^ Pope 1934:§§186, 333; Gouvert 2016:48
  12. ^ Grandgent 1907:§324; Pope 1934:§163.7
  13. ^ Pope 1934:§188
  14. ^ Grandgent 1907:§224; Lausberg 1970:§251
  15. ^ Grandgent 1907:§§136–137; Lausberg 1970:§149.2
  16. ^ Lausberg 1970:§251
  17. ^ Grandgent 1907:§226; Pope 1934:§187.b.
  18. ^ Grandgent 1907:§225; Lausberg 1970:§251
  19. ^ Lausberg 1970:§479
  20. ^ Lausberg 1970:§187.2
  21. ^ Grandgent 1907:§268; Pope 1934:§156.3
  22. ^ Grandgent 1907:§255. This citation covers the following bullet point as well.
  23. ^ Lloyd 1987:148–150; Hall 1976:128
  24. ^ Sampson 2010:56
  25. ^ Sampson 2010:60, 61
  26. ^ Sampson 2010:78
  27. ^ Lausberg 1970:§356
  28. ^ Lausberg 1970:§204
  29. ^ Grandgent 1907:§139; Lausberg 1970:§149.6. This citation covers the following two bullet points as well.
  30. ^ Lausberg 1970:§189
  31. ^ Loporcaro 2015; Leppänen & Alho 2018
  32. ^ Ferguson 1976:78; Gouvert 2015:73–76
  33. ^ Lausberg 1970:§§192–196 apud Gouvert 2015:78–79
  34. ^ Lausberg 1970:§§451–466; Gouvert 2015:83
  35. ^ Lloyd 1987:113–114; Penny 2002:59
  36. ^ Grandgent 1907:§229; Lausberg 1970:§265
  37. ^ Grandgent 1907, §318, §325
  38. ^ Lausberg 1970:§245
  39. ^ Grandgent 1907, §234; Pope 1934, §156.5
  40. ^ Grandgent 1907:§163; Lausberg 1970:218
  41. ^ Grandgent 1907:§166
  42. ^ Grandgent 1907:§172
  43. ^ Grandgent 1907:§229; Lausberg 1970:§§257–258
  44. ^ Grandgent 1907:§217; Lausberg 1970:§238
  45. ^ Grandgent 1907:§229.1; Lausberg 1970:§259
  46. ^ Grandgent 1907:§291; Lausberg 1970:§410. This citation covers the following bullet-point as well.
  47. ^ Grandgent 1907:§257; Pope 1934:§202
  48. ^ Lausberg 1970:§321
  49. ^ Elcock 1960:33
  50. ^ Politzer 1953:34–35, 50
  51. ^ Grandgent 1907:§292

Bibliography

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  • Adams, James Noel (2007). The regional diversification of Latin. Cambridge University Press.
  • Adams, James Noel (2013). Social variation and the Latin language. Cambridge University Press.
  • Allen, William Sidney (1965). Vox Latina: A guide to the pronunciation of Classical Latin. Cambridge University Press.
  • Chambon, Jean-Pierre (2013). "Notes sur un problème de la reconstruction phonétique et phonologique du protoroman: Le groupe */ɡn/". Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris. CVIII: 273–282.
  • Elcock, William Dennis (1960). The Romance languages. London: Faber and Faber.
  • Ferguson, Thaddeus (1976). A history of the Romance vowel systems through paradigmatic reconstruction. Berlin: De Gruyter.
  • Gouvert, Xavier (2015). "Le système phonologique du protoroman: essai de reconstruction". In Buchi, Éva; Schweickard, Wolfgang (eds.). Dictionnaire Étymologique Roman. Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie. Vol. 381. De Gruyter. ISBN 9783110453614.
  • Gouvert, Xavier (2016). "Du protoitalique au protoroman: deux problèmes de reconstruction phonologique". In Buchi, Éva & Schweickard, Wolfgang (eds.). Dictionnaire Étymologique Roman 2. Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie. Vol. 402. De Gruyter. pp. 27–51.
  • Grandgent, C. H. (1907). An introduction to Vulgar Latin. Boston: D.C. Heath & Co.
  • Hall, Robert Anderson (1976). Proto-Romance phonology. New York: Elsevier.
  • Jensen, Frede (1972). From Vulgar Latin to Old Provençal. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.
  • Lausberg, Heinrich (1970). Lingüística románica. Vol. I: Fonética. Madrid: Gredos.
  • Leppänen, V.; Alho, T. (2018). "On the mergers of Latin close-mid vowels". Transactions of the Philological Society. 116 (3): 460–483. doi:10.1111/1467-968X.12130. S2CID 150148733.
  • Lloyd, Paul M. (1987). From Latin to Spanish. Philadelphia: American Philological Society.
  • Loporcaro, Michele (2011). "Phonological processes". In Maiden, Martin; Smith, John Charles; Ledgeway, Adam (eds.). The Cambridge history of the Romance languages. Vol. 1. Cambridge University Press.
  • Loporcaro, Michele (2015). Vowel length from Latin to Romance. Oxford University Press.
  • Penny, Ralph (2002). A history of the Spanish language. Cambridge University Press.
  • Politzer, Robert L. (1953). Romance trends in 7th and 8th century Latin documents. Chapel hill: University of North Carolina Press.
  • Pope, Mildred K. (1934). From Latin to modern French. Manchester University Press.
  • Sampson, Rodney (2010). Vowel Prosthesis in Romance: A Diachronic Study. Oxford University Press.
  • Zampaulo, André (2019). Palatal sound change in the Romance languages: Diachronic and synchronic perspectives. Oxford Studies in Diachronic and Historical Linguistics. Vol. 38. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780192534293.
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