Czechverbs can be classified (arranged in classes) in several ways. The verbal classes can be characterised in terms of their morphological properties. Verbs that belong to the same class typically accept the same range of suffixes (endings). This article concerns the morphological classification of the Czech verbs and the formation of their admissible forms (including, to some extent, bookish and archaic ones).
The first attempts to classify Czech verbs from the morphological point of view were made in the 16th century, for example in Matouš Benešovský's Grammatica Bohemica from 1577. Vavřinec Benedikt Nudožerský in his work Grammaticæ bohemicæ libri duo (1603) distinguished four classes according to the present indicative ending of the 1st person singular: I. – ám, II. – ím, III. – u, IV. – i. Pavel Doležal in his Grammatica Slavico-Bohemica (1746), inspired by the Latin grammar, for the first time classified the Czech verbs according to the infinitive: I. vol-a-ti (vocāre), II. mil-ova-ti (amāre), III. lež-e-ti (iacēre), IV. uč-i-ti (docēre), V. pí-ti (bibere), VI. hr-nou-ti (sēmovēre, āmovēre) and, moreover, verba anomala, i.e. an arbitrary list of several tens of "irregular" verbs including the athematic ones.
The Czech (and generally Slavic) verbs have two distinct stems: the present stem (used in forming present indicative, imperative and present transgressive) and the infinitive stem (infinitive, past and passive participles, past transgressive and verbal noun). Both stems are equally important and frequent, which means there are two basic possibilities of systematic classification of the Czech (generally Slavic) verbs, based either on the present stems or on the infinitive stems. For comparison the Latin verbs have three distinct stems (present, perfect, supine) and their classification is traditionally based on the present stem (I. vocā-, II. tenē-, III. leg-(ĕ,ǐ)-, IV. audī-), the infinitive itself is derived from the present stem (vocāre, tenēre, légĕre, audīre).
As there are six types of the infinitive stem, there are also six corresponding classes (Franz Miklosich, Formenlehre der slawischen Sprachen, 1856 and Jan Gebauer, Historická mluvnice jazyka českého, 1898), usually arranged in the following manner: I. nés-ti, vés-ti (*ved-ti), péci (*pek-ti), krý-ti, etc. (no stem suffix), II. tisk-nou-ti, III. slyš-e-ti, trp-ě-ti, um-ě-ti, IV. pros-i-ti, V. děl-a-ti, sáz-e-ti (*sad-ja-ti), láti (*la-ja-ti), bráti (*bьr-a-ti), kov-a-ti, VI. kup-ova-ti. This classification is very similar to the Doležal's one (though the class order is different).
The classification based on the present stem (e.g. August Schleicher, Formenlehre der kirchenslawischen Sprache, 1852, and esp. August Leskien, Handbuch der altbulgarischen Sprache, 2nd ed., 1886) distinguishes five classes, the classes I-IV have a distinct present stem suffix: I. nes-e-, ved-e-, jьm-e-, etc., II. dvig-ne-, III. kry-je-, *tes-je-, dêl-a-je-, *sad-ja-je-, kup-u-je-, IV. chval-i-, trъp-i-, V. *jes-, *dad-, *jad-, *vêd- (athematic consonantal present stems).
The system presented in this article is a system based on the Leskien's classification, adapted to the contemporary Czech language. The main differences are: a) the few athematic (and highly irregular) verbs are treated separately, b) the contracted děl-á- < *dêl-a-je- has moved from the class III to a new class V, c) the contracted sáz-í- < *sad-ja-je- has moved from the class III to the class IV.
The indicative present stem suffix is -e- (nes-e-š, nes-e, nes-e-me, nes-e-te) except the 1st person sing. (nes-u < *nes-ǫ) and the 3rd person plur. (nes-ou < †nes-ú < *nes-ǫ-tъ).
Class I — endings of the present forms
sing.
plur.
ind. pres.
1.-u2.-eš3.-e
1.-eme2.-ete3.-ou
imp.1)
2. 3. -Ø
1.-me2.-te
imp.2)
2. 3.-i
1.-ěme3)2.-ěte3)
pres. transgr.
m.-af. n. -ouc
m. f. n.-ouce
1) reduced imperative endings used in most cases: nes (but nesiž), nesme, neste 2) full imperative endings used if the root has no vowel: jmi, jměme, jměte 3) after some consonants the original iotation has been lost, e.g. třete < †třěte (so the modern imperative forms are undistinguishable from the present indicative forms)
The verbs of this class are divided in three groups according to the infinitive stem.
Class I — division
Group
1
no infinitive stem suffix, infinitive stem (= primary stem) ends in a consonant
2
no infinitive stem suffix, infinitive stem ends in a vowel
1) for třesu ↔ třasu, etc. see Root vowel mutation (přísti) 2)hrýzti (hryze) is archaic („svědomí je hryze“, OCz „črvie mě hryzú“ = me vermes rodunt) → replaced by hryzati (hryže), obs. hrýzati (hrýže)
The primary stem ends in k or h (pek-, moh- < *mog-).
The infinitive ends in -ci (péci < *pek-ti, moci < *mog-ti).
pers.
ind. pres. sing.
ind. pres. plur.
imper. sing.
imper. plur.
1.
peku
pečeme
—
pecme
2.
pečeš
pečete
pec
pecte
3.
peče
pekou
pec (peciž)
—
participles
past
pekl pekla peklo
pekli pekly pekla
pass.
pečen pečena pečeno
pečeni pečeny pečena
transgressives
pres.
peka
pekouc
pekouce
past
(u)pek
(u)pekši
(u)pekše
infinitive
verbal noun
péci < *pek-ti
pečení
Common Czech uses the forms peču, pečou, peč, péct instead of peku, pekou, pec, péci and můžu, můžou, (-mož), moct instead of mohu, mohou, -moz, moci.
Other verbs of this type
inf.
ind. pres.
imper.
pres. tr.
part.
past tr.
noun
téci
teku, tečeš
tec, tecte
teka
tekl, tečen
(vy)tek
tečení
tlouci
tluku, tlučeš
tluc, tlucte
tluka
tloukl, tlučen
(vy)tlouk
tlučení
říci
řku, řčeš1)
rci, rcete1)
řka1)
řekl, řečen
(do)řek
řečení
moci
mohu, můžeš
-moz, -mozte
moha
mohl, možen
(vy)moh
-možení
stříci (se)
střehu, střežeš
střez, střezte
střeha
střehl, střežen
(vy)střeh
střežení
stříci2)
střihu, střižeš
střiz, střizte
střiha
střihl, střižen
(vy)střih
střižení
žíci3)
žhu, žžeš
žzi, žzete
žha
žehl, žžen
(se)žeh
žžení
1)říci: the present stem forms řku, řčeš, rci, etc. are bookish ("…rci mi pravdu a víc nic, jest v Gilead balzám těchy…") → replaced by the present stem forms of -řeknouti (the infinitive only with a prefix): řeknu, řekneš, řekni and -řknouti (prefixed): -řknu, -řkneš, -řkni 2) arch. stříci (střiže) → replaced by stříhati (stříhá), -střihnouti (-střihne) 3) arch. žíci (žže) → replaced by other verbs: žhnouti (žhne), -žehnouti (-žehne), páliti (pálí)
Note: In a similar conjugation, now obsolete, the primary stem ended in v, e.g. žíti (živ-e) < *živti (cf. živoucí, život) → replaced by žíti (ži-je), similarly pléti (plev-e) < *plevti (cf. plevel) → replaced by plíti (ple-je), see Class III.
The verbs of this type are obsolete except zábsti that is still in use.
Archaic (now obsolete) verbs of this type
inf.
ind. pres.
imper.
pres. tr.
part.
past tr.
hřébsti1)
hřebu, hřebeš
hřeb, hřebte
hřeba
hřebl, hřeben
(po)hřeb
skúbsti2)
skubu, skubeš
skub, skubte
skuba
skubl, skuben
(vy)skub
dlúbsti3)
dlubu, dlubeš
dlub, dlubte
dluba
dlubl, dluben
(vy)dlub
tépsti4)
tepu, tepeš
tep, tepte
tepa
tepl, tepen
(vy)tep
1) arch. hřébsti or hřésti (hřebe) → replaced by pohřbívati (pohřbívá), pohřbíti (pohřbí) 2) arch. skúbsti or skústi (skube) → replaced by škubati (škube) 3) arch. dlúbsti (dlube) → replaced by dlabati (dlabe), dloubati (dloubá); still used in some dialects ("proč do toho dlubeš?") 4) arch. tépsti (tepe) → replaced by tepati (tepe)
The original stem ended in m or n (*em-, *pen-, *dom-).
The present stems: jme- < *j-ьm-e-, pne- < *pьn-e-, dme- < *dъm-e-, etc.
The original infinitive: *j-ę-ti < *em-, *pę-ti < *pen-, *dǫ-ti < *dom-, etc.
pers.
ind. pres. sing.
ind. pres. plur.
imper. sing.
imper. plur.
1.
jmu
jmeme
—
jměme
2.
jmeš
jmete
jmi
jměte
3.
jme
jmou
jmi (jmiž)
—
participles
past
jal jala jalo
jali jaly jala
pass.
jat jata jato
jati jaty jato
transgressives
pres.
jma
jmouc
jmouce
past
(za)jav
(za)javši
(za)javše
infinitive
verbal noun
jíti (-níti) < †jieti < *jęti → jmouti
(za)jetí, (od)nětí → (na)jmutí
N.B. The infinitive jmouti (see also Class II) is a newly created form as the original infinitive jíti (jme) < *jęti can be confused with the homonymous infinitive jíti (jde) < *iti. The original infinitive jíti (after some prefixes -níti) is mostly preserved in the prefixed verbs where the confusion is not an issue, e.g. vzíti (vezme) vs. vzejíti (vzejde), odníti (odejme) vs. odejíti (odejde), vyníti (vyjme) vs. vyjíti (vyjde), etc. However new infinitives like odejmouti, vyjmouti are also in use (vzíti is an exception).
Other verbs of this types
inf.
ind. pres.
imper.
pres. tr.
part.
past tr.
noun
vzíti
vezmu < *vъz-ьmǫ
vezmi, vezměte
—
vzal, vzat
vzav
vzetí
-číti
-čnu < *čьnǫ
-čni, -čněte
-čna
-čal, -čat
(po)čav
-četí
píti1) → pnouti
pnu < *pьnǫ
pni, pněte
pna
pjal, pjat
(se)pjav
pětí
títi → tnouti
tnu < *tьnǫ
tni, tněte
tna
ťal, ťat
(s)ťav
tětí
žíti → žnouti
žnu < †žňu < *žьnjǫ
žni, žněte
žna
žal, žat
(na)žav
žetí
míti2) → mnouti
mnu < *mьnǫ
mni, mněte
mna
—
—
—
klíti3) → klnouti
klnu < *klьnǫ
klň, klňte
klna
klel, klet (klat)
(pro)klev
kletí
douti4) → dmouti
dmu < *dъmǫ
dmi, dměte
dma
dul, dut
(na)duv
dutí
1) The infinitive pnouti (see Class II) is a newly created form as the original infinitive píti (pne) < †pieti < *pęti can be confused with the homonymous infinitive píti (pije). In contemporary Czech the original infinitive (píti) is not in use. 2) The original verb míti (mne) < †mieti < *męti (the infinitive of which could be confused with the athematic verb míti < †jmieti) has been replaced by a newly created verb mnouti (mne) with identical present stem forms (see Class II). 3) The original verb †kléti (klne) < *klęti has been replaced by two newly created verbs: klnouti (klne) with identical present stem forms (see Class II) and klíti (kleje) with identical infinitive stem forms (see Class III). The new verbs have slightly different meaning. 4) The original verb †dúti (dme) < *dǫti has been replaced by two newly created verbs: dmouti (dme) with identical present stem forms (see Class II) and douti (duje) with identical infinitive stem forms (see Class III). The new verbs have different meaning ("hruď se dme", "vítr duje").
The indicative present stem suffix is -ne- (tisk-ne-š, tisk-ne, tisk-ne-me, tisk-ne-te) except the 1st person sing. (tisk-nu < *tisk-nǫ) and the 3rd person plur. (tisk-nou < †tisk-nú < *tisk-nǫ-tъ).
Class II — endings of the present forms
sing.
plur.
ind. pres.
1.-nu2.-neš3.-ne
1.-neme2.-nete3.-nou
imp.
2. 3.-ni
1.-něme2.-něte
imp.
2. 3.-ň
1.-ňme2.-ňte
pres. transgr.
m.-naf. n. -nouc
m. f. n.-nouce
The verbs of this class are divided in two groups according to the primary stem ending.
Class II — division
Group
1
primary stem ends in a consonant (except syllabic r or l)
2
primary stem ends in a vowel or syllabic r or syllabic l
The forms tisknul, tisknut, (s)tisknuv, tisknutí are later created infinitive stem forms (formed regularly by using the suffix -nu-). Literary Czech prefers the original shorter forms (without the suffix -nu-) if they are in use (e.g. "dveře jsou zamčeny" is better than "dveře jsou zamknuty"). However some verbs use prevalently or exclusively the infinitive stem forms with the suffix -nu-. In some cases there is a difference in usage (e.g. "kniha je tištěna", but "ruka je tisknuta").
The indicative present stem suffix is -je- (kry-je-š, kry-je, kry-je-me, kry-je-te) except the 1st person sing. (kry-ji < kry-ju < *kry-jǫ) and the 3rd person plur. (kry-jí < kry-jú < *kry-jǫ-tъ).
Class III - endings of the present forms
sing.
plur.
ind. pres.
1.-ji2.-ješ3.-je
1.-jeme2.-jete3.-jí
pres. transgr.
m.-jef. n. -jíc
m. f. n.-jíce
imp.
2. 3.-j
1.-jme2.-jte
This class is divided in two groups according to the infinitive stem (1. kry-l, 2. dar-ova-l).
The primary stem ends in a consonant except few verbs of foreign origin (e.g. kon-stru-uje-, kon-stru-ova-ti from Latin con-stru-ere).
The infinitive stem suffix is -ova- (dar-ova-l, dar-ova-ti).
The indicative present stem suffix is -í- (pros-í-m, pros-í-š, pros-í, pros-í-me, pros-í-te, pros-í) except the 3rd person plur. of sázeti and uměti (sázejí, umějí).
Class IV – endings of the present forms
sing.
plur.
ind. pres.
1.-ím2.-íš3.-í
1.-íme2.-íte3.-í/-ějí/-ejí
pres. transgr.
m.-ě/-ef. n. -íc
m. f. n.-íce
pres. transgr.
m.-ěje/-ejef. n. -ějíc/-ejíc
m. f. n.-ějíce/-ejíce
imp.
2. 3.-i
1.-ěme/-eme2.-ěte/-ete
imp.
2. 3. -Ø
1.-me2.-te
imp.
2. 3.-ěj/-ej
1.-ějme/-ejme2.-ějte/-ejte
The verbs of this class are divided in two groups according to the infinitive stem (1. pros-i-l, 2. trp-ě-l/sáz-e-l).
1) The passive participles spasen, spasena, etc. and the verbal noun spasení are in fact forms of the archaic verb spásti (see Class I-1). The corresponding forms of spasiti would be spašen and spašení (that are not in use).
The indicative present stem suffix is -á- (děl-á-m, děl-á-š, děl-á, děl-á-me, děl-á-te) except the 3rd person plur. (děl-a-jí < †děl-a-jú < *dêl-a-jǫtъ). The infinitive stem suffix is -a- (děl-a-ti, tes-a-ti).
Class V - endings of the present forms
sing.
plur.
ind. pres.
1.-ám2.-áš3.-á
1.-áme2.-áte3.-ají
pres. transgr.
m.-ajef. n. -ajíc
m. f. n.-ajíce
imp.
2. 3.-ej < †-aj
1.-ejme2.-ejte
The verbs of this class are divided in two groups according to the original present stem suffix (1. *-a-je-, 2. *-je-).
The indicative present stem suffix -á- is a contraction of the original suffix *-a-je- (děl-á- < *dêl-a-je-). The 3rd person plural present indicative form as well as the present transgressive forms remain uncontracted (děl-a-jí < †děl-a-jú < *dêl-a-jǫtъ).
The verbs of this type never create new forms by analogy with bráti (bere) or mazati (maže), Class I. Only the present stem forms with either the suffix -á- (contracted *-aje-) or -aj- (> -ej- in imperative) are possible.
The original present stem suffix was *-je-, added directly to the consonantal primary stem (teš-e- < *tes-je-) and not *-a-je-. The new present stem suffix -á- in tes-á- is an analogy to děl-á- (see dělati in Group 1). The verbs of this group have two sets of the present stem forms (original teše and new tesá).
• In the case of common verbs both the new present stem forms (tesá, tesej, etc.) and the original forms (teše, teš, etc.) are commonly in use (e.g. „češe si vlasy – česá ovoce“, „nakluše do práce – kůň klusá“, etc.).
• In the case of less common verbs the original present stem forms are mostly bookish or dialectal (e.g. „hlad tě opáše“, „břečka kyšíc proměňuje sloučenství“, „vykaše si rukávy“, etc.).
• The present indicative forms teši and teší (with endings -i < -u and -í < -ú) are bookish.
• The present transgressive forms are generally bookish, the forms teše, tešíc even more than tesaje, tesajíc.
• The infinitive stem forms are regular, formed according to děl-a-ti, maz-a-ti.
The primary stem ends in b, p, v, f or m (hýb-, klep-, plav-, klof-, dřím-).
pers.
ind. pres. sing.
ind. pres. plur.
imper. sing.
imper. plur.
1.
hýbám ∥ hýbu hýbi
hýbáme ∥ hýbeme
—
hýbejme hybme
2.
hýbáš ∥ hýbeš
hýbáte ∥ hýbete
hýbej hyb
hýbejte hybte
3.
hýbá ∥ hýbe
hýbají ∥ hýbou hýbí
(hybiž)
—
participles
past
hýbal hýbala hýbalo
hýbali hýbaly hýbala
pass.
hýbán hýbána hýbáno
hýbáni hýbány hýbána
transgressives
pres.
hýbaje hýbě
hýbajíc hýbíc
hýbajíce hýbíce
past
(za)hýbav
(za)hýbavši
(za)hýbavše
infinitive
verbal noun
hýbati
hýbání
• The new present indicative forms (hýbá, etc.) and the original forms (hýbe, etc.) are equally frequent.
• The original present indicative forms hýbi and hýbí (with endings -i < -u and -í < -ú) are obsolete.
• The original present transgressive forms (hýbě, hýbíc, etc.) are obsolete.
• The original imperative forms (hyb, hybte, etc.) are obsolete with some exceptions (e.g. syp, plav).
• The infinitive stem forms are regular, formed according to děl-a-ti, maz-a-ti.
The primary stem ends in r, l or n (or-, chrchl- ston-).
pers.
ind. pres. sing.
ind. pres. plur.
imper. sing.
imper. plur.
1.
orám ∥ oři, ořu
oráme ∥ ořeme
—
orejme ∥ ořme
2.
oráš ∥ ořeš
oráte ∥ ořete
orej ∥ oř
orejte ∥ ořte
3.
orá ∥ oře
orají ∥ oří, ořou
oř, ořiž
—
participles
past
oral orala oralo
orali oraly orala
pass.
orán orána oráno
oráni orány orána
transgressives
pres.
oraje ∥ oře
orajíc ∥ oříc
orajíce ∥ oříce
past
(do)orav
(do)oravši
(do)oravše
infinitive
verbal noun
orati
orání
• The original present stem forms are generally less frequent, in some cases they are archaic or dialectal („nemajíce sobě zač chleba kúpiti, chodili po domích žebříce“, „proč se v tom šťářeš?“).
• The present indicative forms oři and oří (with endings -i < -u and -í < -ú) are bookish („polí svých oří“).
• The infinitive stem forms are regular, formed according to děl-a-ti, maz-a-ti.
Examples of using original forms:„ktož uoře (< óře) chtě bohat býti“ — „ten [kůň] vždy vůře“ — „zemí našich nevořeme“ — „jimi [voly] rolí oříce [Egypťané]“ — „ti, kdo pod rouškou horlivosti jiné káří“ — „co žehřeš proti snoubenci svému?“ — „žehří naň všickni“ — „Priamus proti Eneášovi žehře (= žehraje) takto vece“ — „písně svoje skuhřeme“ — „skuhřete, že zle zní naše řeč“ — „pyšný žebrák nic nevyžebře“ — „v zimě žebřú“ — „máš křídla, že krákořeš?“ — „kuře krákoře“ — „ženy jako slepice krákoří“ — „co se s tím babřeš?“ — „škemře o pochopení“ — „šťáře se v uchu“ — „koně kašlou, chrchlí“ — „ve škole všichni chrchlou“.
The primary stem ends in k, h or ch (pyk-, strouh-, dých-).
pers.
ind. pres. sing.
ind. pres. plur.
imper. sing.
imper. plur.
1.
pykám pyči
pykáme pyčeme
—
pykejme pyčme
2.
pykáš pyčeš
pykáte pyčete
pykej pyč
pykejte pyčte
3.
pyká pyče
pykají pyčí
pyč, pyčiž
—
participles
past
pykal pykala pykalo
pykali pykaly pykala
pass.
pykán pykána pykáno
pykáni pykány pykána
transgressives
pres.
pykaje pyče
pykajíc pyčíc
pykajíce pyčíce
past
(od)pykav
(od)pykavši
(od)pykavše
infinitive
verbal noun
pykati
pykání
• The original present stem forms are generally less frequent, in most cases they are bookish or dialectal (e.g. „stýště se duši mé v životě mém“, „nešlechetník nešlechetnost páše“, „matka hrůzou sotva dýše“, „zajíc v lese, a on rožeň strouže“ — „co se mne týče“ = as far as I am concerned (fixed expression) — „když jde pomalu, tak kulže“, „co to říčete?“, „malá furt fňuče“).
• In the case of the verb pykati the original present stem forms are very archaic (e.g. „jeho [Husovy] smrti velmi pyčí = litují“, „pyčtež mne panny a šlechetné panie = litujtež“, „minulých věcí nepyč = nelituj“).
• The infinitive stem forms are regular, formed according to děl-a-ti, maz-a-ti.
• The original present stem forms are either archaic or dialectal (e.g. „padělání se tresce dle zákona“, „vězeň svou pověst šepce dál“, „žabí havěď v potoce pohřební píseň skřehoce“, „komoňové lační boje řehcí“ — „co tady léceš?“, „do úla jim lécou aj vosy“, „husy gagocú“).
• After losing iotation the imperative forms tresceme, trescete < †treskcěme, treskcěte and the present transgressive form tresce < †treskcě became homophonous with some indicative forms. Transition to the new forms has solved the problem.
• The infinitive stem forms are regular, formed according to děl-a-ti, maz-a-ti.
This is not a conjugation type: přísti and másti are conjugated like vésti (vede), and třásti like nésti (nese).
However the regular pattern shown in the table has been eventually corrupted. New umlauted forms have been created by analogy, albeit there was no reason for umlaut (e.g. předu, předl, etc.). Nowadays both original and new forms are in use, with different, regionally dependent frequency. The following table shows the forms that are preferred by majority of the Czech speakers:
Contemporary forms
inf.
ind. pres.
imper.
pres. tr.
part.
past tr.
noun
přísti1)
předu, předeš
přeď, přeďte
předa
předl, předen
(u)před
předení
másti2)
matu, mateš
mať, maťte
mata
mátl, maten
(z)mát
matení
třásti
třesu, třeseš
třes, třeste
třesa
třásl, třesen
(za)třás
třesení
zábsti3)
zebu, zebeš
zeb, zebte
zeba
zábl, (zeben)
(za)záb
zebení
1) all forms in common use are umlauted; non-umlauted forms are used only sporadically („přadlena každý den přadla“) 2) no umlauted forms are used nowadays; the umlauted verbal noun změtení is bookish („babylonské změtení jazyků“) 3) the umlauted infinitive zíbst is regional as well as the non-umlauted form zabou („zabou mě nohy“)
