Getelands
This article relies largely or entirely on a single source. (May 2021) |
Getelands | |
---|---|
West Getelands | |
Getelands Westgetelands | |
Native to | Belgium |
Region | Flemish Brabant and Limburg |
Language codes | |
ISO 639-3 | – |
Getelands (Dutch pronunciation: [ˈɣeːtəlɑnts], Limburgish: Getelandjs [ˈɣeːtəlɑntʃs])[tone?] or West Getelands (Dutch: Westgetelands [ʋɛstˈxeːtəlɑnts], Limburgish: Wesgetelandjs [wæsˈxeːtəlɑntʃs])[tone?] is a South Brabantian dialect spoken in the eastern part of Flemish Brabant as well as the western part of Limburg in Belgium. It is a transitional dialect between South Brabantian and West Limburgish.
The dialect is named after the river Gete. It is an endangered language.
Characteristics
[edit]The first person singular pronoun is typically the Limburgish ich, instead of Brabantian/Standard Dutch ik. The diminutive forms are formed as in Limburgish, using the umlaut. In Truierlands (sometimes called East Getelands), the plural is also formed by using the umlaut (pot /pɔt/ vs. pöt /pœt/), in contrast to Getelands plurals formed the Standard Dutch way (pot /pɒt/ vs. potte /ˈpɒtə/). Both dialects share the lack of pitch accent found in most varieties of Limburgish.
Word accent in the Orsmaal-Gussenhoven dialect shows phonetic features of accent 2 (the dragging tone) of the neighboring West Limburgish dialects.[1]
Phonology
[edit]This section shows the phonology of the Orsmaal-Gussenhoven dialect, which is spoken in the Linter municipality. The dialect of Melkwezer has a similar phonology, except for the fact that the diphthong /uɪ/ is realized with a mid onset: [ɔɪ].[2]
Labial | Alveolar | Postalveolar | Dorsal | Glottal | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
hard | soft | hard | soft | |||||
Nasal | m ⟨m⟩ | n ⟨n⟩ | ŋ ⟨ng⟩ | |||||
Stop | fortis | p ⟨p⟩ | t ⟨t⟩ | tʲ ⟨tj⟩ | k ⟨k⟩ | kʲ ⟨kj⟩ | ||
lenis | b ⟨b⟩ | d ⟨d⟩ | ||||||
Fricative | fortis | f ⟨f⟩ | s ⟨s⟩ | ʃ ⟨sj⟩ | x ⟨ch⟩ | |||
lenis | v ⟨v⟩ | z ⟨z⟩ | ʒ ⟨zj⟩ | ɣ ⟨g⟩ | ɦ ⟨h⟩ | |||
Approximant | w ⟨w⟩ | l ⟨l⟩ | j ⟨j⟩ | |||||
Trill | r ⟨r⟩ |
- /ʒ/ is restricted to word-initial position, and occurs only in loanwords from French. It tends to either devoice to [ʃ] or be affricated to [dʒ].[5]
- The exact place of articulation of /x, ɣ/ varies:
- /ɦ/ may be dropped by some speakers.[5]
- /r/ has a few possible realizations, none of which are uvular. This stands in contrast to most varieties of Limburgish, where /r/ is a uvular trill or fricative.
- Apical trill [r] or an apical fricative [ɹ̝] before a stressed vowel in word-initial syllables.[5]
- Intervocalically and in the onset after a consonant, it may be a tap [ɾ].[5]
- Word-final /r/ is highly variable; the most frequent variants are an apical fricative trill [r̝], an apical fricative [ɹ̝] and an apical non-sibilant affricate [dɹ̝]. The last two variants tend to be voiceless ([ɹ̝̊, tɹ̝̊]) in pre-pausal position.[5]
- The sequence /ər/ can be vocalized to [ɐ] or [ə].[6]
Front | Central | Back | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
unrounded | rounded | ||||||||
short | long | short | long | short | long | short | long | ||
Close | iː ⟨ie⟩ | yː ⟨uu⟩ | u ⟨oe⟩ | uː ⟨oê⟩ | |||||
Close-mid | ɪ ⟨i⟩ | eː ⟨ee⟩ | ʏ ⟨u⟩ | øː ⟨eu⟩ | ə ⟨e⟩ | ʊ ⟨ó⟩ | oː ⟨oo⟩ | ||
Open-mid | ɛ ⟨e⟩ | ɛː ⟨ae⟩ | œ ⟨ö⟩ | œː ⟨äö⟩ | ɒ ⟨o⟩ | ɒː ⟨ao⟩ | |||
Open | a ⟨a⟩ | aː ⟨aa⟩ | |||||||
Marginal | y ⟨uu⟩ o ⟨oo⟩ | ||||||||
Diphthongs | closing | uɪ ⟨oei⟩ aɪ ⟨ai⟩ aʊ ⟨aw⟩ | |||||||
centering | iə ⟨ieë⟩ eə ⟨eë⟩ ɛə ⟨aeë⟩ ɔə ⟨oa⟩ |
- Peters gives six more diphthongs, which are [eɪ, øʏ, əʊ, ɛɪ, œʏ, ɔʊ].[8] He gives no evidence for their phonemic status. As Brabantian dialects are known for both diphthongizing /eː, øː, oː/ and especially monophthongizing /ɛɪ, œʏ, ɔʊ/, the distinction between the closing diphthongs and the monophthongs is ignored elsewhere in the article, with ⟨eː, øː, oː, ɛː, œː, ɒː⟩ being used as cover symbols for both.
- The open central vowels are phonologically back in that they trigger the velar allophones of /x/ and /ɣ/.
- Among the long rounded vowels, /yː, uː, ɒː/ before /t, d/ within the same syllable vary between monophthongs [yː, uː, ɒː] and centering diphthongs [yə, uə, ɒə], which often are disyllabic [ʏy.ə, ʊu.ə, ɒʊ.ə] (with the first portion realized as a closing diphthong). At least in the case of [yə] and [uə], the tongue movement may be so slight that they are sometimes better described as lip-diphthongs [yi, uɯ]. In the same environment, /øː/ can be disyllabic [øʏ.ə].[9] For the sake of simplicity, those allophones are transcribed [yə, uə, ɒə, øə] in phonetic transcription.
- There are two additional short tense vowels [y] and [o], which are tenser (higher and perhaps also more rounded) than the native short /ʏ, ʊ/ (with the latter being [o̞] phonetically). They appear only in a few French loanwords. Their status as phonemes separate from the long tense /yː/ and /oː/ is unclear; Peters treats them as marginal phonemes.[9]
- /ɔə/ occurs only before alveolar consonants. Phonetically, it varies between [ɔə ~ ɔʊ.ə ~ ɔʌ].[9]
- Stressed short vowels cannot occur in open syllables. Exceptions to this rule are high-frequency words like wa /wa/ 'what' and loanwords from French.[9]
References
[edit]- ^ Peters (2010), p. 243.
- ^ Peters (2010), pp. 239, 242.
- ^ Fournier, Rachel; Gussenhoven, Carlos; Peters, Jörg; Swerts, Marc; Verhoeven, Jo. "The tones of Limburg". Archived from the original on 26 February 2012. Retrieved 26 February 2012.
- ^ Peters (2010), pp. 239–240.
- ^ a b c d e f g Peters (2010), p. 240.
- ^ Peters (2010), p. 245.
- ^ Peters (2010), pp. 240–242.
- ^ Peters (2010), p. 241.
- ^ a b c d Peters (2010), p. 242.
Bibliography
[edit]- Belemans, R.; Keulen, R. (2004): Taal in stad en land. Belgisch-Limburgs: 25
- Belemans, R.; Kruijsen, J.; Van Keymeulen, J. (1998): Gebiedsindeling van de zuidelijk-Nederlandse dialecten, Taal en Tongval jg 50, 1 online
- Goossens, J. (1965): Die Gliederung des Südniederfränkischen, in Rheinische Vierteljahrsblätter, 30: 79-94.
- Pauwels, J.L.; Morren, L. (1960): De grens tussen het Brabants en Limburgs in België. In: Zeitschrift für Mundartforschung 27. blz. 88-96.
- Peters, Jörg (2010), "The Flemish–Brabant dialect of Orsmaal–Gussenhoven", Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 40 (2): 239–246, doi:10.1017/S0025100310000083
- Stevens, A. (1978): Struktuur en historische ondergrond van het Haspengouws taallandschap (Mededelingen van de Vereniging voor Limburgse Dialect- en Naamkunde, Nr. 9). Hasselt