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Breakup of Spanish armed forces (1936)

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Cadets take the oath to serve Spain, 1915. 20 years later most of them, usually in senior officer ranks, will have to decide what that means

The breakup of Spanish armed forces of July 1936 was the process of decomposition of the Second Spanish Republic's military and public order formations into two factions: the one which supported the government (loyalists, later called Republicans) and the one which joined the coup (rebels, later called Nationalists). Theoretically there were some 250,000 men serving in various armed branches. However, in fact this figure was probably much closer to 170,000, of which 90,000 served in the military and 80,000 in public order formations; detailed figures advanced by historians differ.

In historiography the prevailing opinion is that more armed servicemen joined the rebels than the loyalists; the ratio advanced differs from 62:38 to 52:48, yet there are also scholars who claim that only the minority joined the insurgency. It is usually accepted that slightly more peninsular troops and slightly more public order men remained loyal rather than rebelled, but that the so-called Army of Africa, which in its entirety joined the coup, tilted the balance in favor of the Nationalists.

Numerical split of manpower between the two warring sides of the Spanish Civil War is by no means indicative as to division of military and combat potential. This is mostly because in the Republican zone the effectives theoretically available were not taken advantage of; many military units were dissolved as potentially rebellious, many officers were detained, many units with few officers and NCOs left turned into loose undisciplined groupings, many rank-and-file servicemen opted for a wait-and-see stance and many later crossed to the Nationalist zone. Also, in early days following the failed coup the military potential of both sides was to a significant extent defined by civilian volunteers.

Military

[edit]
Azaña and military commanders

The Spanish military forces were falling into 3 major groups: 1) mainland army, stationed in garrisons in peninsular Spain and on the islands; in numerical terms it was composed mostly of conscripts. Most scholars do not hold these troops in high regard, suggesting poor quality of training, low morale, outdated equipment and officers who often have never seen combat, resembling bureaucrats in uniforms rather than military commanders. These troops were organised into 8 so-called organic divisions, each corresponding to one military region; their theoretical strength is usually quoted as 110,000-120,000, but in July 1936 there were no more than 70,000 actually in the barracks; 2) army stationed in Africa. It consisted of heterogeneous formations, but mostly of indigenous Moroccan troops and the Foreign Legion, both composed of volunteers. Most of its officers and NCOs saw combat during Rif Wars. African troops were widely considered the best part of the Spanish army; they numbered some 24,500 men in actual service; 3) the navy. In terms of manpower there were some 12,000 people serving in its ranks; the fleet was composed of rather obsolete larger warships and numerous newer destroyers, with some modern cruisers near completion in shipyards. Peninsular and African troops were governed by the Ministry of War; the fleet was governed by the Ministry of Marine. Air force, which technically formed a separate branch, in terms of manpower grouped no more than few thousand men.[1]

Peninsular army

[edit]
Conscripts, Gipuzkoa
Conscripts, Gipuzkoa

Alía Miranda claims that in the mid-1930s, there were 140,000 military on the continent and islands in total;[2] Quesada gives the theoretical figure of 120,000;[3] Beevor opts for some 110,000.[4] Clifford adheres to the theoretical figure of 120,000, but notes that only 80,000 were actually available.[5] These figures stand no comparison to calculations of military historians, who claim that de facto there were some 65,000 troops in all peninsular garrisons;[6] retrospective analysis of the Francoist staff claimed 60,000.[7] Fairly recent analysis of the Republican army during the civil war, written by Alpert, claims that the total number of troops actually in the barracks in July 1936 was some 65,000.[8] The record high figure of 78,000 is suggested by Hooton,[9] while the record low figure is advanced by Puell de la Villa, who gives the total of 45,000.[10] How this mass was split between the Republicans and the Nationalists is unclear, e.g. at times totals advanced by various authors do not match their own sub-totals.[11] Cierva claimed 32,000 Republicans and 19,000 Nationalists (63:37),[12] Nationalist staff had 36,500 Republicans and 23,500 Nationalists (61:39),[13] Quesada claims 33,000 Republicans and 24,000 Nationalists (58:42)[14] and exactly the same figures are given by Turnbull,[15] Beevor settles for 57,000 Republicans and 50,000 Nationalists (53:47),[16] Romero Salvado opts for 35,000 Republicans and 32,000 Nationalists (52:48)[17] and almost exactly the same figures are advanced by Alpert, 34,000 Republicans and 32,000 Nationalists (52:48),[18] repeated also by Thomas.[19] The same proportion of 52:48, but much lower totals are advanced (with detailed figures broken down into divisions and branches) by Arzanegui: 27,000 Republicans vs 25,000 Nationalists.[20] Hooton comes out with 40,000 Republicans and 38,000 Nationalists (51:49),[21] while Payne maintains that “less than half” of “fewer than 90,000” rebelled[22] (47,000 Republicans, 38,000 Nationalists?). Some scholars, who accept the figure of 66,000 troops actually in the barracks on the peninsula, settle for general remark that they were “spread roughly equally”.[23] Puell is the only scholar who claims that most peninsular troops joined the rebels: 21,600 Republicans vs 23,600 Nationalists (48:52).[24] In structural terms, out of 8 divisional commands 3 were controlled by the Republicans (I: Madrid, III: Valencia, IV: Barcelona) and 5 by the Nationalists (II: Sevilla, V: Zaragoza, VI: Burgos, VII: Valladolid, VIII: La Coruña).

African army

[edit]
Regulares during the July Coup

Some earlier works, e.g. Salas, claimed that the Army of Africa consisted of some 47,000 troops;[25] also some recent books advance similar figures, e.g. Beevor[26] and Casanova[27] refer to 40,000; Hooton claims 36,000[28] while Puell[29] and Thomas[30] give the number as 30,000. However, there was no homogeneous formation known as “Army of Africa” and Spanish Morocco was garrisoned by at least 4 different formations: 1) Foreign Legion, 2) indigenous troops in Spanish service, so-called Regulares, both infantry and cavalry, 3) indigenous troops in service of the sultan and 4) Carabineros, plus 5) minor figures related to navy, air force and policing formations. Already some older studies claimed that there were merely 24.5 thousand troops available to the Nationalists in Morocco,[31] and the figure of 24,741 is advanced also by the recent military analysis.[32] The difference, apart from usual issues related to leaves and outdated documentation, is due to some categories, especially troops in sultan's service, formally not having been under Spanish command and not having been available for shift towards the peninsula. All sources agree, however, that troops brought to Spain from Morocco were the best units in the army, battle-hardened during the Rif Wars, well-equipped and with high combative spirit. Almost all of these 25 thousand men joined the Nationalists, with the exception of some 300 men on leave on the peninsula.[33]

[edit]
Spanish navy crew (1931)

Though in terms of land forces the potential of Spanish army was rather limited and in numerical terms it was smaller e.g. than the armies of Poland,[34] Romania[35] or Czechoslovakia,[36] its navy still ranked as a powerful force to be reckoned with. In Europe it ranked far behind the British and French fleets, but until the early 1930s it was still comparable to the Soviet navy (Europe), German Reichsmarine/Kriegsmarine and the Italian Regia Marina, outclassed only when the latter three embarked on massive investment program. Salas estimated total naval personnel at 20,000,[37] yet contemporary military historians reduce this figure to some 12,000 men.[38] Quesada claims that 7,000 joined the rebels (with no info either on total or how many remained loyal),[39] and Thomas gives the explicit split of 7,000 rebels vs 13,000 loyalists.[40] This, however, is of limited importance; what mattered was the split of warships available. In terms of tonnage, the Republican fleet was double the size of the Nationalist one (some 60,000 tons vs. some 30,000 tons), which was mostly thanks to Nationalist control over 1 battleship (16,000 tons). In terms of the number of warships the Republican advantage was massive: they operated 1 battleship, 3 light cruisers, 14 destroyers and 12 submarines, while the Nationalists operated 1 battleship, 1 light cruiser, 1 destroyer and no submarine. The Republicans controlled all ports along the Bay of Biscay and on the Mediterranean (some 80% of all coastline), while the Nationalists controlled ports in Galicia and on the Atlantic coast of Andalusia.[41]

Total military

[edit]
Officers on manoeuvres (1936)
Officers on manoeuvres (1936)

Almost no author provides overall military figures (peninsula + Africa + navy) and in most cases, their suggestions must be ascertained by means of adding sub-totals or applying partial ratio calculations. For Puell it is 21,600 Republicans vs 53,600 Nationalists (29:71),[42] for Romero Salvado it is 35,000 Republicans vs. 66,000 Nationalists (35:65),[43] for Beevor it is 57,000 Republicans vs. 100,000 Nationalists (36:64),[44] for Hooton it is 39,800 Republicans vs 74,000 Nationalists (36:64),[45] for Quesada it is 33,000 Republicans vs. 53,000 Nationalists (38:62),[46] for Turnbull it is 33,000 Republicans vs. 48,000 Nationalists (41:59)[47] and for Thomas 50,000 Republicans vs 71,000 Nationalists (also 41:59).[48] The narrative by Payne implicitly suggests the same ratio, but somewhat higher figures, namely 47,000 Republicans vs. 68,000 Nationalists (41:59).[49]

The officer corps got split fairly evenly; recent military estimates suggest that out of 17,000 officers in total (inc. retired etc.), 8,000 found themselves in the Republican zone and 9,000 in the Nationalist one (47:53). However, in fact only 4,000 supported the loyalists and 13,000 opted for the rebels.[50] Another author claims that out of officers active and in service, 2,000 opted for the Republicans[51] and more than 4,600 for the Nationalists.[52] One more scholar claims that for all officers in active command, 3,000 supported the Republicans and 5,900 sided with the Nationalists.[53] For NCOs the numbers were 7,500 in the Republican zone and 8,000 in the Nationalist one.

Public order forces

[edit]
Miqueletes on parade, 1934
Miqueletes on parade, 1934

Apart from regular military, there were 3 other major uniformed and armed formations. None of them was formatted as combat troops, intended to take part in tactical warfare operations. However, they consisted of disciplined men in structured, barracks-based units, trained to perform policing role and to use firearms. The traditional constabulary, operational mostly in rural areas, was Guardia Civil (some 34,000 men). Another traditional service was Carabineros (formally Instituto de Carabineros), operating mostly along the frontiers to prevent smuggling (sources provide figures ranging from 14,000 to 16,000). Relatively new service was Guardia de Asalto (formally Cuerpo de Seguridad y Asalto), set up by the Republic (some 18,000). The Civiles and the Asaltos were subordinated to the Ministry of Interior; the Carabineros formed part of the Ministry of Finance structures. There was no service named “police”. However, there were some specialized armed services, e.g. traffic rules were enforced by Cuerpo de Vigilantes de Caminos.[54] There were also various armed policing services subordinated to local authorities, be it regional or province-specific. Strength of these other units is highly unclear, though they might have amounted to 14,000.[55] Total number of servicemen in all security formations was about 80,000.

Guardia Civil

[edit]
Civiles in action (1934)

By far the largest security formation in Spain was Guardia Civil; in sources its strength is quoted as 32,458,[56] 32,477,[57] 32,860,[58] or 34,320.[59] Its units were scattered evenly across all of the country, though with higher saturation in rural areas and small towns rather than in large urban centres. Its commander, general Sebastián Pozas Perea, was a loyal though not particularly vocal republican. The Civiles had a long-standing reputation of heavy-handed service, and were despised by left-wing supporters as an instrument of reactionary politics. Some sources claim that most of the servicemen joined the rebels; Beevor maintains that merely 40% (which would translate to 13,000-14,000 men) remained loyal.[60] However, academic scholars tend to disagree; according to Tusell some 51% sided with the government,[61] the popular Osprey series by Quesada suggested rather 53%,[62] Thomas claims 56%[63] while earlier Osprey work by Turnbull suggested 59%;[64] also the Nationalist staff quoted by Payne estimated the ratio of 59% (20,100).[65] Depending upon the ratio estimated and overall strength assumed, in absolute terms these percentages would translate to some 16,000-20,000 Civiles in the Republican ranks and 13,000-16,000 in the Nationalist ones. There is abundant evidence of Guardia Civil taking part in combat during the July coup, either on the rebel or on the loyalist side. There seems to be no particular pattern emerging, and even in one area local garrisons might have adopted a different stand, e.g. in the Seville province some rebelled (in Ecija),[66] some suppressed the rebellion (in Carmona)[67] and some assumed a wait-and-see position (in Osuna).[68]

Guardia de Asalto

[edit]
Asaltos during the July Coup

Sources tend to agree that the Asaltos numbered some 17.5 thousand servicemen (with detailed figure of 17,660 quoted).[69] Since the formation was set up during the early Republic days – at the time it numbered some 4,000 men[70] – it was intended not only as urban police, but also as sort of republican guard, which translated into specific recruitment and vetting procedures. It was partially formatted as riot police, supposed to deal also with urban unrest; the Asaltos were even equipped with armoured vehicles. They were deployed mostly in major urban centres; 6,000 (34% of the total) served in Madrid and Barcelona. The commander of the Asaltos was teniente coronel Pedro Sanchez Plaza, a zealous Republican.[71] All authors agree that Guardia de Asalto remained mostly loyal to the government, either because of republican preferences of its servicemen, or because in large cities the rebels remained hesitant, which prompted these vacillating to side with the prevailing party. Tusell,[72] Thomas,[73] Payne and other sources[74] agree that some 70% of the Asaltos sided with the loyalists,[75] which in absolute figures would translate to some 12,000 in Republican ranks and some 5,000 in the Nationalist ones. Also Quesada claims 12,000 for the Republicans.[76] Beevor claims that as much as 40% sided with the rebels,[77] which would rather suggest the figures of 11,000 for the Republicans and 7,000 for the Nationalists.

Carabineros

[edit]
Carabineros in action (1935)

In literature there is some discrepancy as to the number of Carabineros: some authors claim 14,113[78] and others claim 16,096.[79] Like in case of Guardia de Asalto, their geographical distribution was highly uneven, this time conditioned not by urbanisation, but by location of Spanish frontiers; they were deployed mostly along the coastline, in northern provinces along the Pyrenean border with France and in western provinces along the border with Portugal. The general inspector of the formation was Gonzalo Queipo de Llano, one of chief military conspirators and later rebel leaders, yet there is no evidence he developed a plot structured in ranks of the service. It rather seems that their choices were conditioned by circumstances; in regions where rebels prevailed (Navarre, Leon)[80] they sided with the Nationalists, in regions with loyalist domination (Catalonia, Extremadura) they supported the government. Payne, Turnbull and Tusell agree that in overall terms most of the Carabineros remained in Republican ranks, though they give the percentage as 65%[81] (some 10,000 men, the figure also explicitly advanced by Quesada[82]), 60%[83] (some 9,000 men) or 59% (also 9,000),[84] which leaves some 4,000-5,000 for the Nationalists. Entirely different split is suggested by Beevor, who maintains that “about two-thirds” opted for rebellion (hence, some 5,000 for the Republicans and some 10,000 for the Nationalists).[85] Even larger rebel advantage is assumed by Thomas: 4,000 Republicans and 10,000 Nationalists.[86]

Other armed policing services

[edit]
Mossos d'Esquadra (1930)
Mossos d'Esquadra (1930)

Almost all historiographic works ignore minor, local and specialized armed services, and almost none provides any approximation as to their numerical strength.[87] However, when in 1937 the Nationalist general staff estimated composition of both sides back in July 1936, they included the position of “Guardia de Asalto y policía armada”, with the total of 31,200 men.[88] As the number of the Asaltos was 17.6 thousand, this leaves some 13,600 to all other minor specialized formations, like Cuerpo de Vigilantes de Caminos, forest rangers, or prison guards; this figure covers also local policing services, be it regional (Mossos d’Esquadra in Catalonia),[89] provincial (Miqueletes in Gipuzkoa or Miñones in Alava) or municipal (in some cities municipal guards carried firearms). It is not clear how many of them sided with the loyalists and how many joined the rebels. If the Nationalist estimates are considered as point of departure and if the number of Asaltos is accepted as discussed earlier, it seems that some 10,000 remained loyal and some 4,000 opted for insurgency. There is little anecdotic evidence available to provide some examples, yet it is known that some of these servicemen initially took part in combat; e.g. Mossos d'Esquadra protected governmental buildings in Barcelona[90] and Miqueletes engaged against advancing Carlist requetés in defence of their control posts at the border between Gipuzkoa and Navarre.[91]

Total security formations

[edit]
Carabineros with smuggled goods

All security formations in total are usually estimated to be between some 53,000[92] and 70,000 men,[93] though these computations do not include local and specialized policing services; when included, the figure might be around 80,000.[94] Totals for both warring factions, which emerge from aggregating specific estimates coming from various authors and related to particular services might differ widely, ranging between 29,000 and 52,000 for the Republicans and between 24,000 and 41,000 for the Nationalists. However, in few cases some authors provide their suggestions for all security services in total, not necessarily in line with their detailed estimates. Beevor claims there were 33,000 for the Republicans[95] and 30,000 for the Nationalists;[96] Payne suggests rather 37,000 vs. 30,000,[97] Thomas points to 34,000 vs 29,000,[98] Hooton advances 37,000 vs 23,000,[99] Quesada maintains 40,000 vs. 30,000,[100] García Rodríguez opts for 40,000 vs. 27,000,[101] Turnbull 32,000 vs. 21,000,[102] and the Nationalist general staff estimated in 1937 that the figures were 51,000 vs. 29,000.[103] The overall percentage split of security forces which emerges from different sources is (Republicans vs. Nationalists): 64:36 (Nationalist staff, 1937), 62:38 (Hooton), 61:39 (Turnbull), 60:40 (Tusell, García Rodríguez), 57:43 (Quesada), 55:45 (Payne), 54:46 (Puell, Thomas) and 52:48 (Beevor).

Armed forces in total

[edit]
Army officer, Guardia Civil Commander and Prime minister during a local ceremony, 1935

In theory in July 1936 there were some 250,000 men in all Spanish armed forces, both the military and the security formations. On paper, i.e. counting theoretical staff figures related to specific garrisons, some 110,000 were in the Republican zone and 140,000 in the Nationalist one (44:56).[104] Beevor maintains that proportionate advantage of the rebels was even larger and gives the totals of 90,000 in Republican zone and 130,000 in the Nationalist one (41:59).[105] However, some synthetic works might claim the reverse proportion, e.g. according to Casanova out of 250,000 in total, 120,000 opted for the rebels (which implies that 130,000 remained loyal, 52:48).[106] The discrepancy is of little importance, since 250,000 was a largely theoretical figure and the actual number of men under arms was much lower, mostly due to outdated staff documentation, recruitment in progress, and leaves in midst of the summer season.

Recent study of military historians claims that the figure of “los efectivos realmente operativos” was probably about 167,000,[107] though earlier figures provided by some authors added up even to the record low total of 133,000.[108] The Nationalist general staff estimated in 1937 that with the total of 165,000, the split was 88,000 for the loyalists and 77,000 for the rebels (53:47),[109] which is the unique (along Casanova) statistics claiming the Republicans held numerical advantage. Most scholars, however, claim the Nationalist advantage. Puell (who calculated the total estimate for both sides of 140,000) comes with the largest one, namely 54,000 Republicans and 86,000 Nationalists (38:62).[110] Esdaile (whose total is 159,000) is next with 68,000 Republicans and 91,000 Nationalists (43:57),[111] Hooton claims that (out of 174,000) there were 77,000 Republicans and 97,000 Nationalists (44:56).[112] Figures of Thomas (total 184,000) add up to 84,000 Republicans and 100,000 Nationalists (46:54).[113] Various sub-totals calculated by Quesada point to the total of 158,000, and the split of 74,000 for the Republicans[114] and 84,000 for the Nationalists (47:53).[115] Payne also claims Nationalist numerical advantage; he opts for the total of 184,000 and for the split of 88,000 vs. 96,000 (48:52).[116] In his later work he is somewhat more vague, but with the similar total of 182,000 and the similar – though implied, not explicitly stated – split of 84,000 Republicans and 98,000 Nationalists (46:54).[117] The smallest overall difference in strength is suggested by Turnbull: 65,000 Republicans and 68,000 Nationalists (49:51).[118]

Tabular summary

[edit]

The below table summarises all numerical estimates found in the sources consulted and discussed above. The numbers are in thousands. In most cases there are 2 figures in a cell; one is for the lowest figure identified, and one is for the highest figure identified. Given the discrepancies, it is hardly possible to suggest a "prevailing" figure for every category. Also, an attempt to produce an arithmetic "average" figure does not seem feasible, given one single extreme estimate might distort the calculation; e.g. five sources[119] give the number of peninsular troops loyal to the government in the range of 32,000—36,000, but there is one[120] which comes out with the figure of 57,000 and one[121] which advances merely 21,600.

formation total Republicans Nationalists
Peninsular army 45—105 22-57 19–50
African army 25—45 0 25–45
Navy 12-20 10—15 2–7
Guardia Civil 32—34 14—20 13–16
Guardia de Asalto 17 10—12 5–7
Carabineros 14-16 5—10 5–10
Other policing services 0—14 0—10 0–4
Total 133—250 54—110 68–140

See also

[edit]

Footnotes

[edit]
  1. ^ there were some 250 military pilots in service, Hugh Thomas, Historia de la guerra civil española, Barcelona 1977, ISBN 9788422608745, p. 360; the rest were mechanics, other ground specialists and contracted civilians
  2. ^ for the year of 1935 he gives the figure of 139,394 men under arms, Francisco Alía Miranda, Julio de 1936: Conspiración y alzamiento contra la Segunda República, Barcelona 2011, ISBN 9788498922080, p. 88
  3. ^ Alejandro de Quesada, The Spanish Civil War 1936–1939 (1). Nationalist Forces, London 2014, ISBN 978-1-78200-782-1 [Men-at-Arms series by Osprey], p. 9
  4. ^ Antony Beevor, Walka o Hiszpanię, Kraków 2009, ISBN 9788324011599, p. 126
  5. ^ „The Peninsula Army had around 8,500 officers and 112,000 enlisted men, almost all poorly trained conscripts, 40,000 of whom were on leave”, Alexander Clifford, The People's Army in the Spanish Civil War. A Military History of the Republic and International Brigades, 1936–1939, London 2020, ISBN 978-1-5267-6093-7, p. 66
  6. ^ Lucas Molina Franco, Pablo Sagarra Renedo, Óscar González López, El factor humano. Organización y liderazgo para ganar una guerra. La Jefatura de Movilización, Instrucción y Recuperación en la Guerra Civil española, Madrid 2021, ISBN 9788490916100, p. 52
  7. ^ Stanley G. Payne, The Spanish Revolution, New York 1970, ISBN 978-0-393-09885-3, p. 315
  8. ^ Michael Alpert, The Republican Army in the Spanish Civil War, 1936–1939, Cambridge 2013, ISBN 978-1-107-02873-9, p. 19
  9. ^ exactly 77,800; it is not stated explicitly, yet it emerges clearly as delta between all troops (113,800) and African troops (36,000), E. R. Hooton, Spain in Arms. A Military History of the Spanish Civil War 1936-1939, Oxford 2019, ISBN 9781615006376, p. 1
  10. ^ Fernando Puell de la Villa, Julio de 1936: ¿Un ejército dividido?, [in:] Jorge Martínez Reverte (ed.), Los militares españoles en la Segunda República, Madrid 2012, pp. 77-98, referred after pdf version, pp. 16-17
  11. ^ Quesada claims that on paper there were 120,000 in the peninsular army, but 40,000 enjoyed leave, which leaves 80,000 in the barrackes. However, when doing detailed calculations for warring parties, he arrives at the peninsular total of only 47,000, compare Quesada 2014, p. 9, and Alejandro de Quesada, The Spanish Civil War 1936–1939 (2). Republican Forces, London 2015, ISBN 978-1-78200-785-2 [Men-at-Arms series by Osprey], p. 11
  12. ^ Ricardo de la Cierva, Historia de la guerra civil española, Madrid 1969, vol. 1, p. 69
  13. ^ Payne 1970, p. 315
  14. ^ Quesada 2015, p. 11, Quesada, 2014, p. 10
  15. ^ Patrick Turnbull, The Spanish Civil War, London 1995, ISBN 0-85045-282-1 [Men-at-Arms series by Osprey], pp. 5, 7
  16. ^ Beevor 2009, p. 126
  17. ^ Francisco Romero Salvado, Historical Dictionary of the Spanish Civil War, London 2013, ISBN 978-0-8108-5784-1, pp. 55-56
  18. ^ Alpert 2013, p. 19
  19. ^ Hugh Thomas, The Spanish Civil War, London 2012, ISBN 9780141011615, p. 315
  20. ^ Alberto Arzanegui, El ejército español en 1936, [in:] El Miliciano 1 (1993)
  21. ^ exactly 39,800 Republicans and 38,000 Nationalists, subtotals not stated explicitly, but clearly emerging from other numbers given, Hooton 2019, p. 1
  22. ^ Stanley G. Payne, The Spanish Civil War, Cambridge 2012, ISBN 978-0-521-17470-177, p. 77
  23. ^ Judith Keene, Fighting for Franco, London 2007, ISBN 978-0-8264-2571-3, p. 27
  24. ^ Puell 2012, pp. 16-17
  25. ^ Molina, Sagarra, González 2021, p. 51
  26. ^ “The nationalists’ greatest military asset was the 40,000 men of the Army of Africa, with its combat experience”, Beevor 2009, p. 126
  27. ^ Julian Casanova, The Spanish Civil War, Cambridge 2009, ISBN 978-1-350-12758-6, p. 24
  28. ^ Hooton 2019, p. 1
  29. ^ Puell 2012, p. 16
  30. ^ Thomas 2012, p. 315
  31. ^ Payne 1970, p. 315
  32. ^ Molina, Sagarra, González 2021, p. 51
  33. ^ Payne 1970, p. 315
  34. ^ in 1936 the Polish land forces were 278,851 men, Historia Polski w liczbach, Warszawa 2003, ISBN 8370273149, p. 308
  35. ^ throughout most of the interwar period the Romanian army was almost 200,000 men, to grow to almost 300,000 in the very late 1930s, Istoria Militară a Poporului Român, Vol. VI, București 1989, pp. 227-228
  36. ^ Czechoslovak army was composed of 12 infantry divisions, some 150,000 men in total
  37. ^ Ramón Salas, Historia del Ejército Popular, Tomo I, Madrid 1974, pp. 260, 855
  38. ^ Molina, Sagarra, González 2021, p. 51
  39. ^ Quesada 2014, p. 34
  40. ^ Thomas 2012, p. 315
  41. ^ compare initial chapers of Michael Alpert, La guerra civil española en el mar, Madrid 1987, ISBN 8432306096
  42. ^ Puell 2012, pp. 16-17
  43. ^ Romero Salvado, pp. 55-56
  44. ^ Beevor 2009, p. 126
  45. ^ Hooton 2019, p. 1, it is not clear whether he factored in the navy
  46. ^ Quesada 2015, p. 11, Quesada, 2014, pp. 9, 15
  47. ^ Turnbull 1995, pp. 5-7
  48. ^ Thomas 2012, p. 315
  49. ^ Payne 2012, p. 77
  50. ^ Molina, Sagarra, González 2021, p. 55
  51. ^ Quesada 2015, p. 11
  52. ^ Quesada 2014, p. 9
  53. ^ Puell 2012, p. 4; the figures include also officers in public order formations
  54. ^ Jacinto Contreras Vázquez, La agrupación de tráfico de la Guardia Civil, [in:] VIII Congreso virtual sobre Historia de las Vías de Comunicación, s.l. 2020, pp. 75
  55. ^ detailed report of Nationalist general staff of 1937 evaluated the balance of forces in July 1936; the table contained a position “Guardia de Asalto y policía armada” (31,200 men). Since Guardia de Asalto numbered 17,600 men, this leaves some 13,600 to all other minor formations, data referred aftyer Payne 1970, p. 315
  56. ^ Gerard Blaney Jr, The Civil Guard and the Spanish Second Republic, 1931–1936 [PhD thesis LSE], London 2007, p. 155
  57. ^ Molina, Sagarra, González 2021, p. 51
  58. ^ Alpert 2013, p. 19
  59. ^ Payne 1970, p. 315
  60. ^ Beevor 2009, p. 126
  61. ^ Javier Tusell, Historia de España el el siglo XX, vol. 2, Madrid 2007, ISBN 9788430606306, p. 300
  62. ^ Quesada 2014 , p. 36
  63. ^ 18,000 loyalists vs 14,000 rebels, Thomas 2012, p. 315
  64. ^ Turnbull 1995, p. 5
  65. ^ Payne 1970, p. 315, Turnbull 1995, p. 5
  66. ^ Francisco Javier Gavira Gil, Verano de 1936. La toma de Marchena, triunfo del golpe de estado y su terrorifíca implantación represora, [in:] Actas de las IX Jornadas sobre Historia de Marchena: Marchena en el siglo XX, Marchena 2005, ISBN 9788493407025, p. 101
  67. ^ Antonio Lería, Golpe de estado y guerra civil en Carmona, [in:] La Guerra Civil en Carmona, Carmona 2008, p. 11
  68. ^ Felix J. Montero Gómez, Osuna, 20 de julio 1936: consecuencias de la rebelión militar, Osuna 2012, p. 19
  69. ^ Alpert 2013, p. 19, Molina, Sagarra, González 2021, p. 50
  70. ^ Alejandro Vargas González, La guardia de asalto, policía de la república, [in:] Cuadernos republicanos 53 (2003), p. 45
  71. ^ before assuming command of the Asaltos he served in judiciary branch of the army; when investigating clashes between security units and the crowd in Asturias, he declared officers in service guilty. When the sentence was confirmed, he raised the clenched fist, Julius Ruiz, "Paracuellos". The Elimination of the 'Fifth Column' in Republican Madrid During the Spanish Civil War, London 2016, ISBN 9781782843016, p. 77
  72. ^ Tusell 2007, p. 300
  73. ^ 12,000 loyalists vs 5,000 rebels, i.e. 71:29, Thomas 2012, p. 315
  74. ^ Vargas González 2003, p. 45, José Carlos García Rodríguez, Conspiración para la Rebelión militar del 18 de julio de 1936, Madrid 2013, ISBN 9788477377481, p. 490
  75. ^ Payne 1970, p. 315
  76. ^ Quesada 2015, p. 11
  77. ^ “They had about two-thirds of Queipo’s carabineros, 40 per cent of the Assault Guard and 60 per cent of the Civil Guard”, Beevor 2009, p. 126
  78. ^ Alpert 2013, p. 20
  79. ^ Molina, Sagarra, González 2021, p. 50
  80. ^ see e.g. Gabriel Jackson, Memorias de Angel Espíás Bermudez, [in:] Ebre 2 (2004), pp. 61-84
  81. ^ Tusell 2007, p. 300
  82. ^ Quesada 2015, p. 11
  83. ^ Payne 1970, p. 315
  84. ^ Turnbull 1995, p. 5
  85. ^ Beevor 2009, p. 126
  86. ^ Thomas 2012, p. 315
  87. ^ the exception is Quesada 2015, p. 36, who includes a separate sub-chapter on Mossos d'Esquadra. He claims that during the war the Mossos grew from 300 to 1,000 men
  88. ^ Payne 1970, p. 315
  89. ^ e.g. the Catalan Mossos d’Esquadra, see Mossos d’Esquadra entry, [in:] official Catalan government service
  90. ^ Vanessa Gómez Hernández, Els mossos d’esquadra durant la segona república (1931–1939), [in:] Judit Vidal Bonavila, Jaume Camps Girona, José Luis Trapero Álvarez (eds), Els Mossos d'Esquadra, història i evolució d'una institució tricentenària, Barcelona 2022, ISBN 9788484249276, pp. 222-223
  91. ^ Francisco Javier de Lizarza India, [in:] Fundación Ignacio Larramendi service
  92. ^ Puell 2012, pp. 16-17
  93. ^ Quesada 2015, p. 11, Quesada, 2014, p. 9
  94. ^ Payne 1970, p. 315
  95. ^ “in addition to some 33,000 men from the paramilitary security forces”, Beevor 2009, p. 126
  96. ^ “In all, this represented about 30,000 men out of the combined strength of the three paramilitary forces”, Beevor 2009, p. 126
  97. ^ „more than half of the security forces” [of 67,000], Payne 2012, p. 77
  98. ^ Thomas 2012, p. 315
  99. ^ exactly 37,150 Republicans vs 23,250 Nationalists, Hooton 2019, p. 1
  100. ^ not explicitly; these are totals which emerge from adding up sub-totals he quoted, see Quesada 2015, p. p. 11, Quesada, 2014, p. 9
  101. ^ García Rodríguez 2013, p. 491
  102. ^ Turnbull 1995, p. 5
  103. ^ Payne 1970, p. 315
  104. ^ Molina, Sagarra, González 2021, p. 49
  105. ^ Beevor 2009, p. 126
  106. ^ Casanova 2009, p. 24
  107. ^ Molina, Sagarra, González 2021, p. 51
  108. ^ Turnbull 1995, pp. 5, 7
  109. ^ “Perhaps 33,000 men of the pre-war Army remained loyal, together with about 18,000 of the Guardia Civil rural gendarmerie, 12,000 of the urban Cuerpo de Seguridad y Asalto, and 10,000 Carabineros border guards. In July 1936 about 2,000 loyalist officers remained at their posts; perhaps 1,500 recently retired officers also returned to the colours”, Quesada 2015, p. 11
  110. ^ Puell 2012; figures include numbers given separately in various tables, including "oficiales" and "efectivos"
  111. ^ "the rebels had ended up with a notional 91,000 men out of the 159,000 soldiers and policemen who were actually under arms", Charles J. Esdaile, The Spanish Civil War. A Military History, London/New York 2019, ISBN 9781138311275, p. 43
  112. ^ exactly 76,960 Republicans and 97,250 Nationalists, Hooton 2019, p. 1
  113. ^ Thomas 2012, p. 315
  114. ^ Quesada 2015, p. 11
  115. ^ Quesada 2015, p. 9
  116. ^ “it would probably be accurate to raise the figure for the latter [i.e. the Nationalists] by 25 percent”, Payne 1970, p. 315
  117. ^ the paragraph in question is typical for many historiographic accounts, based on cautious vague statements with few detailed figures. The author claims that the peninsular army was “fewer than 90,000 men under arms in the barracks” (85,000?). “Less than half of these” (45%?) joined the revolt. Forces of public order were “approximately 67,000”, of which “more than half” (55%?) remained loyal. The strength of the Army of Africa is stated as 30,000, Payne 2012, p. 77. The calculation which emerges for the Nationalists is 85,000x0.45 + 67,000x0.45 + 30,000 = 98,400
  118. ^ Turnbull 1995, pp. 5, 7
  119. ^ Alpert 2013, Cierva 1969, Romero 2013, Turnbull 1995, Quesada 2014/2015
  120. ^ Beevor 2009
  121. ^ Puell 2012

Further reading

[edit]
  • Michael Alpert, The Republican Army in the Spanish Civil War, 1936–1939, Cambridge 2013, ISBN 978-1-107-02873-9
  • Alexander Clifford, The People's Army in the Spanish Civil War. A Military History of the Republic and International Brigades, 1936–1939, London 2020, ISBN 978-1-5267-6093-7
  • Charles J. Esdaile, The Spanish Civil War. A Military History, London/New York 2019, ISBN 9781138311275
  • E. R. Hooton, Spain in Arms. A Military History of the Spanish Civil War 1936-1939, Oxford 2019, ISBN 9781615006376
  • Lucas Molina Franco, Pablo Sagarra Renedo, Óscar González López, El factor humano. Organización y liderazgo para ganar una guerra. La Jefatura de Movilización, Instrucción y Recuperación en la Guerra Civil española, Madrid 2021, ISBN 9788490916100
  • Fernando Puell de la Villa, Julio de 1936: ¿Un ejército dividido?, [in:] Jorge Martínez Reverte (ed.), Los militares españoles en la Segunda República, Madrid 2012, ISBN 9788495886637, pp. 77-98
  • Patrick Turnbull, The Spanish Civil War, London 1995, ISBN 0-85045-282-1
  • Alejandro de Quesada, The Spanish Civil War 1936–1939 (1). Nationalist Forces, London 2014, ISBN 978-1-78200-782-1
  • Alejandro de Quesada, The Spanish Civil War 1936–1939 (2). Republican Forces, London 2015, ISBN 978-1-78200-785-2
[edit]
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