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Assasination of Luis Carlos Galán

Coordinates: 32°46′45.4″N 96°48′30.6″W / 32.779278°N 96.808500°W / 32.779278; -96.808500
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Assassination of Luis Carlos Galán
Main square of the town of Soacha where Luis Carlos Galán was murdered.
Main square of the town of Soacha where Luis Carlos Galán was murdered.
LocationMain Square in Soacha, Cundinamarca, Colombia
Coordinates32°46′45.4″N 96°48′30.6″W / 32.779278°N 96.808500°W / 32.779278; -96.808500
DateAugust 18, 1989; 35 years ago (1989-08-18)
8:30 p.m. (UTC−05:00)
TargetLuis Carlos Galán[1]
WeaponsMini uzi Atlanta
Deaths
  • Luis Carlos Galán
  • Julio César Peñaloza Sánchez
  • Santiago Cuervo
[2]
Injured
  • Pedro Nel Angulo Bonilla
PerpetratorsJaime Eduardo Rueda Rocha and Henry Pérez
ChargesMurder with malice (5 counts, Rueda Rocha and Henry Pérez murdered after escaping from prison)

On August 18, 1989, Luis Carlos Galán, a liberal presidential candidate for Colombia for the 1990-1994 period, was assassinated while greeting a crowd of supporters in the central square of the town of Soacha, near Bogotá. Galán was campaigning and stood on an improvised platform, along with his bodyguards Santiago Cuérvo Jiménez and Pedro Nel Angulo Bonilla, and Julio César Peñaloza Sánchez, a councilman from Soacha, when Galán, Peñaloza and Cuervo were shot dead by Jaime Eduardo Rueda Rocha and Henry Pérez, hitmen in the service of drug lord Gonzalo Rodríguez Gacha 'El Mexicano', a member of the Medellín Cartel, an organization also known as 'Los Extraditables', also led by drug lord Pablo Escobar, and allied with them the politician Alberto Santofimio Botero. Although the regional hospital of Soacha was nearby, Galán was taken by car to the hospital in the town of Bosa in Bogotá, a bit far away, but the hospital lacked the equipment to save him, Galán had to be transferred to the Kennedy Hospital, in the town of the same name in Bogotá, where he was declared dead at 11 pm that same day after medical efforts.

Rueda Rocha and Henry Pérez escaped to the Magdalena Medio region, while other accomplices fled to Melgar. Following the strong order of President Virgilio Barco to capture those responsible for the assassination, the police captured several people, who turned out to be innocent, and shortly after, following a tip-off, the perpetrators of the crime were captured. However, despite the capture of the perpetrators of the crime, the innocent people remained in prison for almost 5 years until they were declared innocent in 1994, while the guilty and other accomplices were killed in the following years.

Subsequent investigations concluded that Galán was murdered by Henry Pérez and Jaime Rueda under the orders of Rodríguez Gacha and Escobar, the latter instigated by the politician Santofimio, fueling the hatred that Escobar had towards Galán for having indirectly exposed him as a criminal when he was campaigning politically in 1982, in addition to leading, together with his fellow party member Rodrigo Lara Bonilla, Minister of Justice, a frontal fight against drug trafficking and political corruption.[3][4]

In mid-1989, Galán led the opinion polls as the favourite candidate to win the elections the following year, provoking the jealousy of Santofimio, who wanted to get rid of his political opponent. Since 2004, Santofimio ended up in prison when his complicity in the crime was discovered, along with that of the director of the DAS, General Miguel Maza Márquez, since the latter changed the guard that protected Galán.[2]

In 2016, the Colombian Council of State declared the murder of Luis Carlos Galán a crime against humanity,[5] because his murder was part of a persecution by drug lords against their opponents and anyone who confronted them, so the Prosecutor's Office can continue to prosecute people involved in this murder.[6]

Background

[edit]

Galán

[edit]
Luis Carlos Galán, his major son Juan Manuel Galán and Luis Silva Segura. Bogotá 1984

Luis Carlos Galán, a journalist by profession but a politician with a career as Minister of Education, a city councilor in Bogotá and Colombian ambassador to Italy, had launched himself as a dissident candidate of the Liberal Party for the presidency of Colombia in 1982, opposed to the traditional election of the party's candidate through conventions where political bosses hand-picked the candidate, in this case the former president Alfonso López Michelsen, which watching for the reelection. Galán, together with his fellow party member Rodrigo Lara Bonilla, created his movement New Liberalism. Although Galán lost the elections to Belisario Betancur, his movement obtained multiple seats in the Senate, the House, the assemblies and the councils, members of his movement who openly opposed the customs of the Liberal government, among which were clientelism and the links of some of the figures with the heads of drug trafficking organizations. After finishing third in the elections, Galán was elected senator. Galán abstained from participating in the 1986 elections, supporting the candidacy of Virgilio Barco,[7] who was elected president (1986-1990). Opinion polls continued to place him in first place for the next presidential elections. His campaigns were different from other political candidates because he represented youth and renewal in liberalism, the majority force in Colombia at that time, and he was far removed from party symbols or interventions in the public square.[8] As the 1990 presidential elections approached, Galán, with the mediation of former president Julio César Turbay, agreed to dissolve his dissidence and return to the Liberal Party, although Galán only set as a condition the establishment of a popular consultation; a mechanism in which the voters of the Liberal Party would elect the candidate of their preference, instead of the party conventions.[9][10][11] The Liberal candidates competing with Galán were former minister Hernando Durán Dussán, the senator and head of the People's Power; Ernesto Samper (previously López Michelsen's debate chief), the regional leaders Alberto Santofimio Botero, Jaime Castro Castro and William Jaramillo Gómez.[12]

I do not recognize enemies within the Liberal Party. The only enemies are those who use terror and violence to silence the Colombian people, to intimidate them, or to assassinate their most important protagonists.

— Luis Carlos Galán during the 1989 Liberal Convention.[13]

Escobar and Medellín Cartel

[edit]
Escobar's mugshot after of being arrested in 1976.

Pablo Escobar was a criminal who, before dedicating himself to cocaine trafficking, stole tombstones for resale, then to smuggling under the command of Alfredo López Gómez 'Don Capone', and despite the latter's warnings, to drug trafficking under the patronage of Griselda Blanco. Escobar, under the influence of Santofimio, began his political activity in the Liberal Renewal movement together with Santofimio himself and Jairo Ortega Ramírez, who had registered his candidacy for congressman with Escobar as his alternate.[14][15] Being a movement that supported Galán's candidacy in the 1982 elections, Galán had heard rumors of people with fortunes of dubious origin who intended to support the New Liberalism, among them Escobar. Unable to prove (for the moment) that Escobar was a drug lord, Galán, without mentioning Escobar's name, expelled him, Ortega and Santofimio from supporting New Liberalism. This action resented Escobar who wanted to kill him from that moment on.[16][17]

Despite this, Escobar was elected as a substitute congressman for Ortega. But his political career was cut short when Rodrigo Lara, as a senator, denounced in several debates the infiltration of illicit money into politics and Colombian professional soccer teams.[18][19] Due to these accusations, Lara was appointed Minister of Justice by President Betancur. From the ministry, Lara led a frontal fight against drug trafficking. Lara publicly denounced Escobar as a drug lord and co-creator of the paramilitary group MAS. Aided by Ortega, Escobar counterattacked by warning the minister to prove his accusations under penalty of criminal charges for slander and defamation, in addition to showing the public a copy of a check from drug trafficker Evaristo Porras to Lara's senate campaign.[20][21][22] With his honour in question and abandoned by his fellow partisans (among them Galán), Lara, supported by President Betancur, managed to destroy Escobar's image by publishing a documentary by Brian Ross, while the newspaper El Espectador published how years before Escobar had been arrested along with his cousin Gustavo Gaviria for possession of cocaine paste. The agents who had arrested them were murdered, Judge Mariela Espinosa was threatened with death,[23] so the case was time-barred. Escobar was expelled from congress to and resign from politics, while his visa to the US was cancelled, Lara approved the police raid, headed by Colonel Jaime Ramírez Gómez, on Tranquilandia; a complex of laboratories for processing cocaine in the jungles of the Yarí River,[24][25] and Judge Gustavo Zuluaga Serna issued an arrest warrant against Escobar and Gustavo Gaviria for the murder of the two DAS agents. A few months later, Lara-Bonilla, whose honor had previously been called into question and then vindicated, was murdered.[26][27][28][29]

The murder of Lara Bonilla marked the beginning of the war between the Colombian government and the drug lords of the Medellín Cartel. After a failed attempt to negotiate surrender in Panama with former President Alfonso López Michelsen as mediator, the war claimed the lives of Tulio Manuel Castro Gil, the judge in charge of investigating Lara Bonilla's murder; Judge Zuluaga Serna; Magistrate Hernando Baquero Borda, defender of the Extradition Treaty; Colonel Ramírez Gómez;[30][31][32] Guillermo Cano, editor of the newspaper El Espectador;[33][34][35][36] and other journalists. At the same time, Enrique Parejo González, Lara's successor at the Ministry of Justice and after Colombia's ambassador to Hungary, was the target of an attempt on his life, from which he survived.[37][38][39][40][41][42][43][44][45]

Planning of crime

[edit]

In mid-1989, with Galán expected to be elected president the following year, Santofimio met with Escobar and Rodríguez Gacha on a farm in the Magdalena Medio region. According to Jhon Jairo Velásquez 'Popeye', Santofimio instigated and convinced Escobar to assassinate Galán with the phrase "If Galán is president, he will extradite you. I tell you with all my conviction, Pablo, kill him."[46][47][48][49][50]

Once the decision to kill Galán was made, Escobar ordered 'Popeye' to locate Ricardo Prisco and take him to the farm. At the hideout, Escobar gave Prisco a citizenship card with the name of Pacho Herrera, an enemy of the Cali Cartel, so that he could buy a vehicle in his name that would be used in the attack to kill Galán. With this, Escobar sought to implicate the people of the Cali Cartel in order to try to confront them with the authorities.[51]

Failed attack

[edit]

Days later, on August 5 of that year, Los Priscos proceeded to place a rocket in a vacant lot aimed at the University of Medellín where they knew Galán would go to give a conference guarded by Colonel Waldemar Franklin Quintero of the police. However, a neighbor alerted the authorities about the presence of strange people and all the attackers managed to flee, except one who, upon seeing the police approaching, pretended to be urinating. When the police asked him if he was a member of the gang, the man claimed to be homeless and said that he had seen some men throwing weapons before running away. The National Police held him for a few minutes and then let him go.[52]

Police officer Valdemar Franklin Quintero was the prominent figure in the failed attack and immediately took Galán back to the Olaya Herrera Airport. Quintero was killed on Escobar's orders on the same day as Galán, August 18.[53] This made Escobar turn to Rodríguez Gacha, who, having a fairly strong paramilitary apparatus with which he had had militants of the Patriotic Union assassinated, and with influence in Bogotá, coordinated everything necessary to be able to carry out the crime.[54]

Men can be eliminated, but ideas cannot. And on the contrary, when men are sometimes eliminated, ideas become stronger.

— Luis Carlos Galán, agosto de 1989.[55]

Weakening Galán's security

[edit]

The Galán Pachón family claims that Luis Carlos Galán had never requested a change of head of security a few days before the assassination. Victor Julio Cruz, Galán's head of security at the time, who had protected him until then, was surprised by his sudden replacement by Lt. Jacobo Alfonso Torregrosa Melo. According to General Maza Márquez of DAS, Galán had requested the change arguing that Cruz was a big gossip with Gloria Pachón, Galán's wife, while Cruz confirms that he had never been a gossip or had a bad relationship with Galán's family.[56][57][58][59][60] According to Cruz, the change of head of security had been requested by Galán's own bodyguards, stating that they did not like the scheme that Cruz used to protect Galán. Cruz was eventually assigned as Rafael Pardo's head of security.[61][62] Unlike Cruz, who had been Galán's head of bodyguards for years, Torregrosa was just a police officer who had recently returned to the DAS, whose CV was full of reprimands and dubious references, and who also claimed to have taken the course for the protection of politicians.[63][64][65][66][67][68][69][70][71]

On the other hand, Rodríguez Gacha employed Henry Pérez, his ally in the training of paramilitaries in the Magdalena Medio, and Jaime Rueda, an extremely violent man and former FARC militant who, after leading a criminal group, went to work for Rodríguez Gacha and was trained in paramilitary camps under the supervision of Yair Klein. [72] The weapon that would be used in the murder was going to be a Mini Atlanta 380, which according to 'Popeye', had the ability to penetrate the bulletproof vest that Galán was wearing. The weapon that would be used in the murder was to be a Mini Atlanta 380, which according to 'Popeye', had the ability to penetrate the bulletproof vest worn by Galán. Rocha was accompanied by his half-brother Jose Ever Rueda Silva and other hitmen more characterized by wearing white hats.[73]

August 18th

[edit]

Early morning 6:00 - 6:15 A.M.

[edit]

On the morning of August 18, 1989, Colonel Valdemar Franklin Quintero was killed without escorts, claiming, like the murdered Guillermo Cano Isaza, that he did not want to risk the lives of others to protect his own, and that he tried to go unnoticed, a strategy that did not last due to corrupt elements in the police. Galán sent his solidarity to the family, recognizing their work against the Medellín Cartel.

No citizen can [simply] be a spectator of the authorities' fight against violence.

— Galán's public statement regarding the murder of Colonel Quintero.[74][75]

Just two days earlier, on August 16, 1989, Judge Carlos Valencia García was assassinated after signing a ruling against Pablo Escobar and other members of the Medellín Cartel for the murders of Jaime Pardo Leal and Guillermo Cano.[76][77]

Afternoon 12:15 P.M.

[edit]

At noon, Galán had lunch with Diego Uribe Vargas and Yolanda Pulecio, both organized the political demonstration in Soacha.[78] During the afternoon he held a final meeting with his private secretary Juan Lozano Ramírez who was organizing his next political tours that would take place in Villeta and later in Ibagué. At the time of leaving he said goodbye to his secretary Lucy Páez.[79][80][81]

Night 7:00 P.M.

[edit]

Carlos Fernando, Galán's youngest son, who was 12 years old at the time, offered to bring him two bulletproof vests. Although it was not Galán's custom, since he had not needed one until then, he put on one; the one that was short and did not protect the entire abdomen, while Torregrosa put on the other one that was apparently safer than the one Galán was wearing, but it was planned that this vest would protect Galán's head.[82] Galán said goodbye to his wife Gloria Pachón, who had earlier advised her husband not to get into any open-air vehicle.[83]

Galán's arrival at the square 8:00 P.M.

[edit]

A former bodyguard declared that Torregrosa informed him and his companions that a team would go to the municipality to reconnoiter the place and locate the security detail.[84] The witness stated that such a scheme never existed, since on the night of the events there was no control of weapons or entry of people.[85][86] Galán's bodyguards were usually made up of eight men, but Torregrosa sent two of them to Villeta, thus weakening Galán's protection. Meanwhile, four hours before the event, a wooden platform was built very close to the stage in the Soacha plaza, practically superfluous since the plaza had its own cement platform, making it easier for the assassins to hide under it.[87][88][89][90][91] Galán's armored car arrived at the Central Square in Soacha at 8:30 p.m in an armored car and when he arrived at the town hall he boarded the back of an open-topped pick-up truck (since it did not have its wooden frame), a vehicle that was boarded by his bodyguards and at least two hitmen with upside-down banners whose objective was to feel Galán's body to see if he had a bulletproof vest. Rueda Rocha and other hitmen also arrived at the plaza in another car owned by the DAS, but Rueda unintentionally exchanged the Mini Atlanta submachine gun for a Mini Uzi that was a service weapon for DAS agents.[92]

In the Soacha square there was no control or searches of the crowd of people who filled the square, but only a few police officers, despite Torregrosa's statement that he had organised a security ring including searches of the attendees, something denied by Lozano. In addition, the police in the square would be accompanied by a counter-guerrilla group and snipers, of which, due to the architecture of the square, only one could be placed in the bell tower of the church in the square. Likewise, the square lacked lighting and there was dust raised by motorcyclists. Upon getting out of the vehicle, Galán stood in the middle of the crowd greeting people, leaving Torregrosa behind, in the middle of a potentially dangerous crowd, with no barricades separating them from the crowd and no barriers in the back of the van carrying the convoy, giving way to a potential attack from the vehicle.[93]

References

[edit]
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  82. ^ https://www.semana.com/nacion/articulo/la-leccion-del-caso-galan/103885-3/
  83. ^ https://www.semana.com/nacion/articulo/30-anos-del-asesinato-de-luis-carlos-galan-sarmiento/628157/
  84. ^ https://www.elespectador.com/noticias/judicial/testigo-asegura-jefe-de-escoltas-de-galan-no-estaba-tar-articulo-566566
  85. ^ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Lc_N6wh8ZMY
  86. ^ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=V1hM7zdeDqc
  87. ^ https://www.semana.com/nacion/articulo/las-piezas-olvidadas-del-caso-galan/533379/
  88. ^ https://canal1.com.co/noticias/nuevo-testimonio-en-caso-de-luis-carlos-galan/
  89. ^ https://www.elespectador.com/judicial/el-infiltrado-en-el-crimen-de-galan-article-553729/
  90. ^ https://www.rcnradio.com/judicial/los-vacios-que-existen-en-la-investigacion-por-el-magnicidio-de-luis-carlos-galan-segun-el
  91. ^ https://www.semana.com/el-asesino-de-galan-un-cuarto-de-siglo-impune/399271/
  92. ^ https://www.rcnradio.com/colombia/35-anos-del-asesinato-de-luis-carlos-galan-la-traicion-y-el-complot-que-lo-llevaron-a-la
  93. ^ https://www.eltiempo.com/archivo/documento/MAM-1573187