Anti-gender movement

This article is about the movement often associated with conservative or religious views. For the anti-trans movement with roots in radical feminism, see Gender-critical feminism. For opposition to the concept of binary gender, see Postgenderism.

"Gender no more": demonstrators from Con mis hijos no te metas ("Don't mess with my kids") during a pro-life march in Lima, Peru, 2018

"Gender is death — it kills identity, soul and body": picketing against "gender ideology" in Warsaw, Poland, 2014

The anti-gender movement is a global phenomenon that opposes concepts often referred to as "gender ideology" or "gender theory." These terms lack a clear, consistent definition but are commonly used by the movement to critique a range of issues related to gender equality, LGBT rights, and gender studies. Originating in the late 20th century and gaining significant attention around 2012, the movement has drawn support from right-wing populist groups, conservative religious organizations, and social conservatives worldwide. It portrays advances in gender inclusion and LGBT rights as threats to traditional family structures, religious values, and established social norms.

The movement has been criticized for promoting discrimination and undermining human rights protections, particularly those concerning individuals with diverse gender identities and sexual orientations. Critics argue that it employs misinformation to delegitimize efforts toward gender inclusion and has been described as a form of moral panic or conspiracy theory. International bodies, including UN Women, classify it as an extreme anti-rights movement that uses rhetoric perceived as hateful. The Canadian Security Intelligence Service has noted its potential to incite "extreme violence" against LGBT communities. In some contexts, the movement aligns with far-right populism, religious conservatism, and, more recently, radical critiques of transgender rights within certain feminist discourses.

Operating on a transnational scale, the anti-gender movement employs strategies such as political lobbying, public protests, and legislative initiatives to resist policies promoting gender equality and LGBT inclusion. Its opposition targets various domains, including reproductive rights, government-led gender policies, gender mainstreaming (the integration of gender perspectives into public policy), and academic disciplines like gender studies. While some elements within the movement focus specifically on opposing certain LGBT rights, others address broader concerns about gender-related social changes.

Scholars have highlighted the movement's distinctive nature compared to traditional forms of anti-feminism. Andrea Pető describes it as a "fundamentally new phenomenon" aimed at reshaping global sociopolitical orders. Academics such as Stefanie Mayer and Birgit Sauer characterize the term "gender ideology" as an "empty signifier," a flexible label used to oppose progressive gender policies. Agnieszka Graff describes it as a catch-all term for issues disfavored by conservative Catholic groups.

Terminology

In many non-English-speaking countries, anti-gender activists frequently avoid using local translations of the word gender, opting instead for the English term to imply that gender is an imported or foreign concept. The term gender ideology, central to the anti-gender movement, lacks a consistent or coherent definition and encompasses a wide range of issues. Scholars such as Stefanie Mayer and Birgit Sauer describe it as an "empty signifier," while Agnieszka Graff characterizes it as a catch-all term for ideas opposed by conservative Catholics.

The terms gender ideology, gender theory, and genderism are often used interchangeably by the movement but are distinct from the academic field of gender studies. Within gender studies, substantial debates and disagreements exist; however, these nuances are typically overlooked by anti-gender proponents. Elizabeth Corredor argues that gender ideology functions as both a political and epistemological challenge to emancipatory ideas surrounding gender, sex, and sexuality. Corredor also notes that the anti-gender movement exploits internal divisions within feminist and LGBT movements to further its agenda.

The movement accuses a diverse range of individuals and groups of promoting gender ideology. These include politicians, particularly those identified as liberal, green, or leftist; women's rights and LGBT activists; gender policy officers in public administration; and academics specializing in gender studies. By framing these actors as proponents of gender ideology, the movement consolidates opposition to gender equity and diversity initiatives.

Origin theories

International conferences in the mid-1990s

The origins of the anti-gender movement can be traced to discussions within the Catholic Church in the 1990s. These discussions were a response to the outcomes of the United Nations' 1994 International Conference on Population and Development and the 1995 World Conference on Women, during which the UN began formally recognizing sexual and reproductive rights. The Holy See expressed concern that such recognition could lead to the classification of abortion as a human right, the erosion of traditional motherhood, and the normalization of homosexuality. Within this context, the term gender was perceived by the Holy See as a strategy to challenge and destabilize the "natural family."

In 1997, American journalist Dale O’Leary, associated with Opus Dei and known for her anti-abortion stance, published a book titled The Gender Agenda. In the book, O’Leary likened the concept of gender to a covert operation, stating: "the Gender Agenda sails into communities not as a tall ship, but as a submarine, determined to reveal as little of itself as possible." The theological basis for the Catholic Church’s opposition to gender theory was rooted in John Paul II's theology of the body, which emphasized the complementary and distinct roles of the sexes.

While the conceptual framework of the anti-gender movement was established by 2003, visible protests associated with the movement began emerging in European countries around 2012–2013. By 2019, the movement had expanded beyond its Catholic origins, gaining broader support within right-wing political circles, although Catholic actors remain significant proponents.

1980s Church origins

An alternate theory traces the origins of the anti-gender movement to the early 1980s, during the tenure of Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, who later became Pope Benedict XVI. At that time, Ratzinger observed the popularity of feminist literature in Germany that argued gender was socially constructed. Additionally, he noted changes in German law allowing transgender individuals to legally change their gender, developments that drew Vatican scrutiny. Researcher Mary Anne Case contends that claims for transgender rights, alongside feminist advocacy, were foundational concerns for the Vatican regarding gender. These issues were not recent additions but central to the Church’s focus on the influence of secular legal developments related to gender.

Later developments

Trans-exclusionary radical feminism or gender-critical feminism

Main article: Gender-critical feminism

Scholars Serena Bassi and Greta LaFleur observe that the trans-exclusionary radical feminist (TERF) movement and the anti-gender movement are rarely treated as distinct, despite their differing origins and objectives. Research by Pearce, Erikainen, and Vincent notes that the term gender ideology, historically central to the anti-gender movement, began to gain traction within trans-exclusionary radical feminist discourse around 2016.

Claire Thurlow argues that gender-critical feminism often relies on transphobic tropes, moral panics, and essentialist views of men and women. These characteristics, she contends, align trans-exclusionary feminism with anti-feminist reactionary politics and other anti-gender movements. Judith Butler has characterized the anti-gender ideology movement as a neo-fascist phenomenon and has warned leftist individuals and groups against aligning with it.

This overlap of rhetoric and strategies highlights the connections between trans-exclusionary feminism and broader anti-gender campaigns, despite their differing ideological foundations.

Foreign influence

A 2021 report commissioned by the European Parliament identified a connection between the rise of the anti-gender movement in Europe and funding from disinformation campaigns. These campaigns were supported in large part by Russia, as well as far-right and Christian right groups. The report highlighted that the Russian government’s geopolitical strategy includes fostering alliances with like-minded groups and deliberately destabilizing the European Union (EU). This strategy involves backing right-wing factions within the EU to amplify dissent and undermine cohesion.

Central figures and issues

Key proponents of the anti-gender movement include Dale O'Leary, Michel Schooyans, Tony Anatrella, Gabriele Kuby, and Marguerite Peeters. According to Łukasz Wawrowski, it is not possible to have a scientific discourse between gender studies scholars and anti-gender proponents, because for the former, gender is a scientific concept that can be researched and falsified, whereas anti-gender proponents derive their arguments from transcendent truths handed down by God, which are not subject to empirical verification.

In the European Parliament, the strong election results of national parties such as the Italian Lega Nord, the British Brexit Party (having left parliament on 31 January 2020), the Polish Law and Justice, the Hungarian Fidesz, and the French Rassemblement National contributed to a surge of the anti-gender movement. Most of these MEPs belong to the right-wing populist and nationalist Identity and Democracy (ID) or the European Conservatives and Reformers (ECR) parliamentary groups. However, there are also members of the European Parliament representing these views within the European People's Party (EPP) and the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) groups.

Members of the anti-gender movement oppose some reproductive rights, particularly abortion, as well as LGBT rights, especially same-sex marriage, along with some campaigns against gender-based violence. They may also campaign against anti-bullying programs, sex education in schools, and gender studies in higher education. According to Kováts, not all the movements fitting under the "anti-gender" label (by opposing "gender" or "gender ideology") are overtly anti-feminist or anti-LGBT, and the anti-gender movement is a novel phenomenon distinct from previous anti-feminism and homophobia. The anti-gender movement is not synonymous with the far-right, as not all far-right movements espouse anti-gender views, and anti-gender themes extend beyond the far-right.

"Gender ideology"

"Gender ideology" redirects here. For the sociological study of gender, see Sociology of gender.

The anti-gender movement often uses the term "gender ideology". Anti-gender activists may portray the European Union and other international organizations as manipulated by several lobbies, such as American billionaires, Cultural Marxists, Freemasons, feminists, the LGBTQ+ lobby, and/or Jews. To promote the idea that gender is a foreign concept imposed by a secret cabal of corrupt elites, they often use the English word gender, rather than a translation into the local language. Proponents present themselves as the defenders of the freedoms of speech, thought, and conscience against the "gender ideology", which they label as "totalitarian".

Some in the anti-gender movement consider "gender ideology" to be a totalitarian ideology. This is allegedly pushed by a secret cabal of corrupt elites or foreign entities (such as the European Union, World Health Organization, or United Nations) for the purpose of weakening, undermining, or destroying families, the Catholic Church, the nation, and/or Western civilization.

Related concepts

According to sociologists Roman Kuhar and David Paternotte, "the invention of 'gender ideology' is closely connected to debates within the Catholic Church". Pope Francis has stated that "gender ideology" would undermine the Catholic Church's position on gender complementarity, comparing it to nuclear weapons, and said it was one of the "Herods that destroy, that plot designs of death, that disfigure the face of man and woman, destroying creation". In 2019, the Catholic Church released the first major document dealing specifically with "gender ideology", which states that there are only two biologically determined genders or sexes. According to Corredor,

the Holy See's perspective deeply depends on a stable and predictably correlated relationship between biological sex, gender identity, and heterosexual orientation, which is expressed in the Catholic Church's terms as the one and only natural unity of mind, body, and soul. Because this unity is believed to be rooted within natural and divine law—as a direct creation of God—it transcends political, historical, and social arrangements shaped by man.

The anti-gender movement is closely related to right-wing populism, nationalism, and the Christian right. According to Kuhar and Paternotte, "anti-gender campaigns are [not] the direct consequence of the right-wing populist wave, but the shift towards the Right reinforces these campaigns and provides them with new supporters who took over a concept of 'gender ideology' which shares some ideological structures with right-wing populist ideology". In line with their populist framing, referendums are often used to secure the outcomes desired by the anti-gender movement.

Analyses and responses

UN Women has described the anti-gender, gender-critical and men's rights movements as anti-rights movements that have taken attempts to "frame equality for women and LGBTIQ+ people as a threat to so-called 'traditional' family values [...] to new extremes" and that "use hateful propaganda and disinformation to target and attempt to delegitimize people with diverse sexual orientations, gender identities, gender expressions, and sex characteristics."

Backlash or proactive movement

It is disputed the extent to which the anti-gender movement is a reaction to events and other movements, or a proactive movement attempting to create social change. Hande Eslen-Ziya argues that the anti-gender movement relies on what she calls "troll science", that she describes as "(distorted) scientific arguments moulded into populist discourse, creating an alternative narrative on the conceptions of gender equality".

An EU-funded research project into the anti-gender movement titled RESIST examined anti-gender rhetoric in parliamentary debates and media coverage in Hungary, Poland and the United Kingdom, and found that key actors in promoting and perpetuating anti-gender politics are primarily "men in the conservative and radical/extreme right in Europe," and that media played a roled in "deliberately stoking up a damaging moral panic targeting transgender identities" that makes transgender people the subject of "relentless 'debate' about the legitimacy of their rights and lives".

According to Marta Rawłuszko, the anti-gender movement is, in part, a backlash against the devolution of power from democratically elected national governments to unelected equality bodies and international organizations, such as the European Union, which demand changes. Because these policies are not approved by voters or their elected representatives, they generate a democratic deficit. She notes that "gender equality policies have been implemented without engaging a wider audience or public debate".

However, Paternotte argues that picturing the anti-gender movement as a "backlash" is "conceptually flawed, empirically weak and politically problematic", because comparative research has shown that in different countries, the anti-gender activism is "sparked by extremely different issues".

Conspiracism

The idea of gender ideology has been described as a moral panic or conspiracy theory. According to two political psychologists writing for The Conversation, the conspiracy theory contributed to a debate in Poland in 2020 about "whether the coronavirus pandemic is a punishment for gender theory". An Ipsos survey in October 2019 found that a plurality of Polish men under 40 believe that "the LGBT movement and gender ideology" is the "biggest threat facing them in the 21st century".

Democracy and liberalism

The emergence and success of anti-gender movements is considered by political scientist Eszter Kováts to be a symptom of a deeper underlying socioeconomic, political, and cultural crisis of liberal democracy and a reaction to neoliberalism. Similarly, political scientist Birgit Sauer refers to these movements as, among other things, a reaction to deregulation, precarization of labor, the erosion of the welfare state and the widening of the gap between the rich and poor. In the journal LuXemburg in 2018, sociologist Weronika Grzebalska and political scientists Eszter Kováts and Andrea Pető analyze the term gender as the "symbolic glue" of the anti-gender movement, which unites different political and religious actors who would otherwise not cooperate with each other. They view the "gender ideology" that these actors mobilize against as a metaphor for the insecurity and unfairness produced by the neoliberal socioeconomic order.

Those said to support gender ideology are delegitimized, negating pluralism and undermining liberal democracy, in a similar way to the far-right. Lorena Sosa, assistant professor at the Netherlands Institute of Human Rights (SIM), states that the anti-gender movement has challenged human rights, such as protection from violence against women, and contributed to democratic erosion.

Pető argues that "The anti-gender movement is not merely another offshoot of centuries-old anti-feminism... The anti-gender movement is a fundamentally new phenomenon that was launched to establish a new world order." She also argues that the movement "is saturated with hatred"—citing online harassment against gender researchers—and argues that it "attacks liberalism and therefore democracy". In 2021 the philosopher Judith Butler described the anti-gender movement as a fascist trend and cautioned self-declared feminists against allying with such movements in targeting trans, non-binary, and genderqueer people.

In February 2024, Canada's Integrated Terrorism Assessment Centre released an assessment, finding that "the ecosystem of violent rhetoric within the anti-gender movement, compounded with other extreme worldviews, can lead to serious violence." In June 2023, an associate professor and two students were stabbed while attending a gender studies class at the University of Waterloo. In 2023, Elżbieta Korolczuk argued that "while the activities of the anti-gender movement are generally non-violent, its discursive strategies and campaigns should be further analysed as possible conveyor belt to engagement in violent extremism".

LGBT rights and gender equality

Marie Wittenius of the Gunda Werner Institute for feminism and gender democracy argues that the term "gender ideology" "functions as a broad projection area for racism, anti-Semitism, homophobia and transphobia, ethnicnationalist ideas as well as hostility towards elites."

In August 2021 the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights Dunja Mijatović said the anti-gender movement was "instrumentalising existing societal prejudices and verbally attacking LGBTI people to achieve political objectives for their own benefit" and said the targeting of "LGBTI people for political gain is a costly strategy which harms the lives and well-being of those affected and undermines social cohesion in general." The Commissioner said that "by permeating the political scene, the anti-gender movements are increasingly well-placed to erode the protection of human rights in Europe" and concluded that "by standing up for LGBTI people, we defend the equal human dignity of all, protect our societies' wellbeing and the strength of our precious human rights system."

In February 2022, the European Parliament Committee on Women's Rights and Gender Equality organised a public hearing on "Countering the anti-gender movement", highlighting the anti-gender movement as a threat to gender equality.

In March 2024, philosopher Judith Butler published their book titled Who's Afraid of Gender? after being attacked at an airport in São Paulo by "anti-gender" protesters in 2017. Butler uses the phrase "anti-gender ideology movement" to describe the transnational phenomenon of far-right actors turning "gender ideology" into a "psychosocial fantasy" that plays into anxieties and fears surrounding the "traditional family."

By region

"Marcha contra la Ideología de Género" or "Marcha por Jesús" in Chile, 27 October 2018

The anti-gender movement emerged in Europe in the early 2010s and, as of 2019, was making headway in Latin America. The movement is transnational, with campaigns in different countries borrowing strategies and rhetoric from other countries. However, in individual countries the anti-gender movement overlaps with appeals to nationalism and national sovereignty.

Europe

Before the emergence of the anti-gender movement, activists and scholars believed that Europe was on an inexorable course towards complete gender equality and full LGBT rights, serious opposition to which was deemed a holdover from the past or else a phenomenon confined to Eastern Europe and Roman Catholic countries. The anti-gender movement proved this perception to be incorrect. Since the 1990s, the European Commission has made eligibility for funding from the Structural Funds and Cohesion Fund conditional on local gender equality policies, which led to rapid changes after Poland joined the European Union in 2004.

In February 2019, the European Parliament passed a resolution against the "backlash in women's rights and gender equality in the EU".

Bulgaria

In February 2023, the Bulgarian Socialist Party called for a national referendum on "Gender Ideology". Later in the month, the party praised a Supreme Court ruling that only biological sex can be listed on government documents and could not be changed.

Croatia

In 2012, the SDP-led Croatian government proposed Health Education as a new mandatory school subject in Croatian schools. The program of the school subject was heavily criticized by the Croatian Bishops' Conference and other conservative or religious associations such as GROZD for introducing what they called "gender ideology" and "homosexualism" to Croatian schools.

In 2017, the Croatian government led by the centre-right HDZ announced that it would ratify the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence, better known as the Istanbul Convention. While lauded by women's rights associations, this move caused intense criticism from the Croatian Bishop's Conference, the Catholic Church, and various conservative and right-wing figures and associations such as U ime obitelji, for being a convention that supposedly fights violence against women while "secretly introducing gender ideology" to Croatian legislature. This was explained by the critics due to the convention text using the terms gender and gender identity in certain sentences, although there had been multiple Croatian laws dating back to at least 2008 already using these terms. Later that year, a citizens' initiative called "The Truth about the Istanbul Convention" (Istina o Istanbulskoj) was founded with the aim of "explaining to Croatian citizens the true purpose" of the convention, which was supposedly about "gender ideology" and an "attack on Croatian, Catholic, and family values". The initiative organized protests and rallies in Zagreb and in Split, attended by around 15 thousand people. The initiative aimed to organize a referendum for citizens to decide whether the convention should be ratified, but failed to collect enough signatures required to hold a referendum. Croatian LGBT association Trans Aid sued the initiative for discriminating against transgender people in their communication.

In April 2018, the Croatian parliament voted in favor of ratifying the Istanbul Convention. Signing the convention has been a major factor in the rise of political parties on the further right-wing in Croatia in 2020s, such as The Bridge (Most) and Homeland Movement (Domovinski pokret), who took the most conservative voters away from HDZ. The members of these two parties often criticize and attack the "gender ideology", transgender individuals, LGBT rights, and the Istanbul Convention, in their speeches.

France

"Le gender, c'est pas mon genre" (gender is not my gender / gender, that is not my kind of thing), demonstration of La Manif pour tous in Paris, 2 February 2014.

The anti-gender movement in France is spearheaded by Farida Belghoul and La Manif pour tous (LMPT), a protest movement which originated in early 2013 to oppose same-sex marriage in France and pivoted to opposing equality curricula after same-sex marriage was legalized in May 2013. The anti-gender movement in France has spread false rumors and hoaxes, such as the claim that masturbation is being taught in French kindergartens.

Germany

In Germany, right-wing extremists and right-wing populists mobilized against the concept of "gender madness", which was characterized as a "weapon" against "the German people" in a 2013 call by neo-Nazis.

Even outside the extreme right, there has been critical discussion of gender mainstreaming since 2006, when Eva Herman commented on the role of women in society and the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung debated "political gender reassignment". Right-wing extremists used this as a prelude to a targeted campaign against gender mainstreaming.

The far-right German political party, AfD (Alternative für Deutschland), displays its alignment with the anti-gender movement in its "Key Points for Germany" brochure. In the brochure, the AfD positions itself against post-secondary gender studies programs, "gender-mainstreaming", and the discussion of sexuality at early ages in school. The AfD further illustrates its anti-gender position in its 2017 "Manifesto for Germany". There, the AfD states that "gender ideology, early sexualisation, governmental funding of gender studies, quota systems and the deprivation of the German language with gender-conforming words have to be terminated". The AfD has organized anti-gender rallies in cities such as Munich in 2023, emphasizing the perceived threat of "gender propaganda" towards children.[1] The anti-gender movement has proven key to the rapid rise of the AfD, with the party projecting the protection of the "traditional family" as key to its platform.

Since 2013, the fundamentalist Christian protest alliance Demo für Alle has mobilized against same-sex marriage and gender mainstreaming. At a Demo für Alle rally in 2014, journalist Birgit Kelle exclaimed that the German state "grabs for the children to sexualize and reeducate them", playing into the notion of a loss of "parental rights" in educating their own children that the AfD has also used more recently.

Hungary

According to Eszter Kováts and Andrea Pető, writing in 2017, there was "no significant anti-gender movement" in the country, but "a palpable anti-gender discourse", especially in the later 2010s, which to date had only sporadically intersected with the national public debate. They write that the Hungarian anti-gender discourse emerged in 2008, when a textbook was published that was criticized by a Fidesz MP. The politician said that the textbook contained "gender ideology" and that "the greatest danger of this trend is that society will lose its sexual identity". In politics, the anti-gender discourse first attained prominence in 2010, when the left-wing government inserted a sentence into the national curriculum stating that early childhood educators should "deliberately avoid any strengthening of gender stereotypes and facilitate the dismantling of the prejudices concerning the social equality of genders". Right-wing media gave the change much coverage; it was alleged to promote "gender ideology".

Italy

Under Giorgia Meloni, who was elected prime-minister in 2022 Italian general election, the far-right Italian political party, Fratelli d'Italia (Brothers of Italy), has placed gender front and centre in its politics. Meloni has frequently emphasized the importance of upholding the gender binary and traditionalist values surrounding family, tieing such issues to the protection of the Italian state and religious apparati. At a 2019 rally, Meloni proclaimed: "I am Giorgia, I am a woman, I am a mother, I am Italian, I am Christian." Meloni employs her position as a mother situate herself as the "harbinger of a conservative, yet modern, nation" while playing up the need to shelter the "natural family" from the threat of "gender ideology."

Anti-gender in Italy has been sponsored by Lega Nord party as well as the groups Pro Vita (associated with the neo-fascist party New Force) and Manif pour Tous Italia, later called Generazione Famiglia. In the 2018 Italian general election, Lega Nord placed members of Catholic organizations on its electoral lists, sealing an anti-gender alliance.

Lithuania

The 2020 Lithuanian parliamentary elections and the formation of coalition between the Homeland Union and Freedom Party, which shares a positive stance on LGBT-related policies, led to the formation of anti-gender movements such as the Lithuanian Family Movement and political parties like the National Alliance.

Norway

Gender studies scholar Elisabeth L. Engebretsen has identified groups such as the Norwegian branch of Women's Declaration International and LLH2019, a self-declared sister organization of LGB Alliance, as key anti-gender actors in Norway. According to Engebretsen these groups are part of a "complex threat to democracy".

Gender studies scholar Janne Bromseth wrote that the 2022 Oslo shooting "happened in a context" and that "the anti-gender movement has also shifted boundaries in the public debate in Norway in recent years," resulting in "a harsher climate of debate where primarily organized TERFs have been given space to set the agenda for the 'debate on gender' and the alleged threat of 'gender ideology' to the natural order."

Poland

Further information: LGBT-free zones

Catholic anti-LGBT protesters during the 2018 equality march in Rzeszów, Poland

In late 2013, the term gender, which had been confined to academic discourse, became popularized as part of an anti-gender campaign by the right-wing and the Catholic Church. The campaign against "gender ideology" was promoted by the national-conservative Law and Justice party which ruled Poland between 2015 and 2023, by the Catholic Church's hierarchy, and more radically nationalist groups with which Law and Justice had a fluid boundary: All-Polish Youth, the National Rebirth of Poland, and the National-Radical Camp. In 2019, sociologists Piotr Żuk and Paweł Żuk wrote that: "The right in Poland perceives both feminist and homosexual circles as a threat to the national identity associated with the Catholic religion and as a threat to the traditional family model and social order." Anti-LGBT rhetoric from the Polish right increased following the conclusion of the 2015 European migrant crisis, during which anti-migrant rhetoric was prominent. With anti-gender rhetoric, the LGBT community served as the scapegoat or demonized enemy required by populist politics.

A 2020 survey of a representative sample of 1,000 Poles found that 30% believed in the existence of a gender conspiracy, "defined as a secret plan to destroy Christian tradition partly by taking control over public media". The survey found that belief in the gender conspiracy did not correlate with religiosity; it was strongly associated with the belief that the Catholic Church should occupy a privileged position in society and rejection of LGBT people as neighbors. Marta Rawłuszko suggests that Polish people may be prone to finding conspiracies because of the actual plots during communist rule. In June 2020, Polish president Andrzej Duda of Law and Justice drew attention when he called LGBT an "ideology" and a form of "neo-Bolshevism", ahead of the 2020 Polish presidential election.

Russia

Vladimir Putin views gender as an "ideological construction" created by the Western Europe, playing into the complex meanings of the Russian derogatory term, Gayropa. The term invokes the idea that Western European civilization is facing decadence and decay, symbolized in the dissolution of traditional gender binaries triumphed by contemporary LGBTQ+ movements and queer mainstreaming.

North America

Further information: Parental rights movement

Canada

In 2023, the "1 Million March 4 Children" was a series of anti-LGBTQ protests carried out in various cities throughout Canada. Protesters advocated removing "pronouns, gender ideology and mixed bathrooms" in the educational environment. Protesters claimed children were exposed to "inappropriate" topics regarding sexuality and gender identity. At least 63 counter-protests were planned or carried out in response to the march. On 19 September 2023, an educational union in Ontario had three offices vandalized with anti-LGBTQ messages. In response to the march, various school boards in Ontario expressed their support for LGBTQ schoolchildren, staff, and families. In Ottawa, two protesters were arrested for "inciting hatred" by "displaying hateful material". Another person was arrested for disturbance. The protests were condemned by Ottawa mayor Mark Sutcliffe, as well as cities such as Whitehorse.

United States

Main article: 2020s anti-LGBT movement in the United States

Further information: Anti-abortion movement in the United States

In 2021, there was a march in Puerto Rico against the introduction of a "Gender Perspective curriculum" in public schools that was created under former Governor Alejandro García Padilla and being enacted under Governor Pedro Pierluisi. Marchers said they opposed "Gender Ideology". Speakers included Bishop Daniel Fernández Torres, political scientist Agustín Laje, and other religious leaders.

Latin America

Brazil

Former President of Brazil Jair Bolsonaro has characterized "gender ideologists" as a force that is opposed to conservative Christianity. He has also said that he wants to ban "gender ideology in schools".

Colombia

During the 2016 Colombian peace agreement referendum, evangelical Christian groups and right-wing politicians who opposed the peace agreement argued that protections for LGBT people in the treaty were "an instrument to impose gender ideology". This helped motivate much of the evangelical electorate to oppose the agreement, which was ultimately rejected by voters, 50.22% (No) to 49.78% (Yes).

Middle East

Iraq

In 2023, the Iraqi government issued an order officially prohibiting media from using the word "gender". It also mandated that the word "homosexuality" be avoided, in favor of "sexual deviance".

Turkey

The conservative government of Turkey has recently ramped up anti-LGBT rhetoric. The opposition to gender and sexuality related progressive movements comes from political Islam, Islamism, and family values. The government has supported anti-LGBT marches with the name of "The Great Family Meeting" by airing public statements on national TV. The state also suppresses Pride Marches.

One of the primary sources of anti-gender action is religious congregations in Turkey. All major parties of the governing Cumhur İttifakı, and some prominent people from opposition parties also engage in anti-gender rhetoric.

See also

• 21st-century anti-trans movement in the United Kingdom
• Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe – a non-fiction book about the movement
• Anti-LGBT rhetoric
• Complementarianism
• Discrimination against non-binary people
• Gender and politics
• Gender empowerment
• Gender essentialism
• Homosexuality and religion
• Identity politics
• LGBT-free zone
• Societal attitudes toward homosexuality
• Sociology of gender
• Transphobia
• TERF
• 2020s anti-LGBT movement in the United States
• Parental rights movement

References

Notes

Footnotes

Sources

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• Graff, Agnieszka (2016). "'Gender Ideology': Weak Concepts, Powerful Politics". Religion and Gender. 6 (2): 268–272. doi:10.18352/rg.10177.
• Harsin, Jayson (2018). "Post-Truth Populism: The French Anti-Gender Theory Movement and Cross-Cultural Similarities". Communication, Culture and Critique. 11 (1): 35–52. doi:10.1093/ccc/tcx017.
• Kováts, Eszter (2016). "The Emergence of Powerful Anti-Gender Movements in Europe and the Crisis of Liberal Democracy". In Köttig, Michaela; Bitzan, Renate; Petö, Andrea (eds.). Gender and Far Right Politics in Europe. Springer. pp. 175–189. ISBN 978-3-319-43533-6.
• Kováts, Eszter; Pető, Andrea (2017). "Anti-gender discourse in Hungary: A discourse without a movement?". In Kuhar, Roman; Paternotte, David (eds.). Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe: Mobilizing against Equality. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 117–132. ISBN 978-1-78660-001-1.
• Kováts, Eszter (2018). "Questioning Consensuses: Right-Wing Populism, Anti-Populism, and the Threat of 'Gender Ideology'". Sociological Research Online. 23 (2): 528–538. doi:10.1177/1360780418764735. S2CID 149904118.
• Kováts, Eszter; Põim, Maari, eds. (2015). Gender as Symbolic Glue. The Position and Role of Conservative and Far Right Parties in the Anti-gender Mobilisation in Europe (PDF). Foundation for European Progressive Studies and Friedrich Ebert Foundation.
• Kováts, Eszter (2020). "Post-Socialist Conditions and the Orbán Government's Gender Politics between 2010 and 2019 in Hungary". In Dietze, Gabriele; Roth, Julia (eds.). Right-Wing Populism and Gender: European Perspectives and Beyond. transcript Verlag. pp. 75–99. ISBN 978-3-8394-4980-6.
• Kuhar, Roman; Paternotte, David (2017). "Introduction". Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe: Mobilizing against Equality. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-1-78660-001-1.
• Marchlewska, Marta; Cichocka, Aleksandra; Łozowski, Filip; Górska, Paulina; Winiewski, Mikołaj (2019). "In search of an imaginary enemy: Catholic collective narcissism and the endorsement of gender conspiracy beliefs" (PDF). The Journal of Social Psychology. 159 (6): 766–779. doi:10.1080/00224545.2019.1586637. PMID 30870100. S2CID 78092505.
• Mayer, Stefanie; Sauer, Birgit (2017). "'Gender ideology' in Austria: Coalitions around an empty signifier". In Kuhar, Roman; Paternotte, David (eds.). Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe: Mobilizing against Equality. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-1-78660-001-1.
• Pető, Andrea (2021). "Feminist Stories from an Illiberal State: Revoking the License to Teach Gender Studies in Hungary at a University in Exile (CEU)" (PDF). Gender and Power in Eastern Europe. Societies and Political Orders in Transition. Springer International Publishing. pp. 35–44. doi:10.1007/978-3-030-53130-0_4. ISBN 978-3-030-53130-0. S2CID 228869405.
• Rawłuszko, Marta (2019). "And If the Opponents of Gender Ideology Are Right? Gender Politics, Europeanization, and the Democratic Deficit". Politics & Gender. 17 (2): 301–323. doi:10.1017/S1743923X19000576. S2CID 210541940.
• Sosa, Lorena (2021). "Beyond gender equality? Anti-gender campaigns and the erosion of human rights and democracy". Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights. 39 (1): 3–10. doi:10.1177/0924051921996697. S2CID 232132773.
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• Żuk, Piotr; Żuk, Paweł (2019). "'Murderers of the unborn' and 'sexual degenerates': analysis of the 'anti-gender' discourse of the Catholic Church and the nationalist right in Poland". Critical Discourse Studies. 17 (5): 566–588. doi:10.1080/17405904.2019.1676808. S2CID 210358322.

Further reading

• Anti-Gender Movements on the Rise? Strategising for Gender Equality in Central and Eastern Europe. Publication Series on Democracy. Vol. 38. Heinrich Böll Foundation. 2015. ISBN 978-3-86928-139-1.
• Graff, Agnieszka; Korolczuk, Elżbieta (2021). Anti-Gender Politics in the Populist Moment. Routledge. hdl:20.500.12657/50542. ISBN 978-1-000-41334-2.
• Hark, Sabine; Villa, Paula-Irene, eds. (2017). Anti-Genderismus: Sexualität und Geschlecht als Schauplätze aktueller politischer Auseinandersetzungen [Anti-genderism: Sexuality and gender as arenas of current political conflicts] (in German and English). transcript Verlag. ISBN 978-3-8394-3144-3.
• Aiko Holvikivi, Billy Holzberg, Tomás Ojeda, eds. (2024): Transnational Anti-Gender Politics: Feminist Solidarity in Times of Global Attacks, Palgrave Macmillan, ISBN 978-3-031-54222-0
• Krampl, Ulrike; von Tippelskirch, Xenia (2017). "Anti-Gender-Bewegungen in Europa. Erste kritische Bestandsaufnahmen". L'Homme (in German). 28 (2): 101–108. doi:10.14220/lhom.2017.28.2.101.
• Kuhar, Roman; Paternotte, David, eds. (2017). Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe: Mobilizing against Equality. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-1-78660-001-1.
• Lavizzari, Anna (2019). Protesting Gender: The LGBTIQ Movement and its Opponents in Italy. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-000-76792-6.
• Sauer, Birgit (2019). "Cultural war 2.0? The relevance of gender in the radical populist-nationalist right". In Atzmüller, Roland; Aulenbacher, Brigitte; Brand, Ulrich; Décieux, Fabienne; Fischer, Karin; Sauer, Birgit (eds.). Capitalism in Transformation: Movements and Countermovements in the 21st Century. Edward Elgar Publishing. pp. 169–182. ISBN 978-1-78897-424-0.
• Towns, Ann (2020). "Gender, Nation and the Generation of Cultural Difference across 'The West'". Culture and Order in World Politics. Cambridge University Press. pp. 271–293. ISBN 978-1-108-48497-8.

External links

• Anti-gender politics at London School of Economics blogs
• Responding to anti-gender at ILGA-Europe