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Allied occupation of the eastern Adriatic

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Multiple geographical names mentioned below changed in the discussed period. The article uses modern English or local names.
Occupation of the eastern Adriatic
Approximate locations of zones of occupation
1 British 2 Italian 3 American 4 French
Operational scopeOccupation
Commanded byBritish zone:
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland Sydney Capel Peck
Italian zone:
Kingdom of Italy Enrico Millo
American zone:
United States Albert Parker Niblack
United States Philip Andrews
United States Rufus F. Zogbaum, Jr.
French zone:
France Louis Caubet [fr]
France Paul Venel
France Mathias Tahon
ObjectiveSettlement of territorial claims of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and the Kingdom of Italy;
Disposal of the Austro-Hungarian Navy ships
Date3 November 1918 – 21 September 1921 (1918-11-03 – 1921-09-21)
Executed byAllies of World War I

The occupation of the eastern Adriatic was a military mission of Allies of World War I conducted in the aftermath of the World War I, from November 1918 to September 1921. It involved deployment of naval assets and troops of the United Kingdom, the Kingdom of Italy, France, and the United States to parts of the territory of former Austria-Hungary, especially the region of Dalmatia and the city of Rijeka, as well as to the coastal areas of the Kingdom of Montenegro. The occupation was meant to resolve a number of issues, including disposal of assets of the Austro-Hungarian Navy, and settlement of Italian territorial claims on the eastern coast of the Adriatic Sea. Those claims, largely corresponding to the award made under the Treaty of London used to entice Italy to enter the war on the side of the allies, conflicted with the territorial claims of the nascent Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (later renamed Yugoslavia) and its predecessor states, as well as the principle of self-determination outlined in the Fourteen Points of President Woodrow Wilson.

The allies divided the eastern Adriatic coast into four zones of occupation. The Italian zone was determined to correspond to the Treaty of London award and centered on cities of Zadar and Šibenik in northern Dalmatia. The central Dalmatia and the city of Split were assigned to the United States. The southern Dalmatia, between Dubrovnik and Kotor as well as the coast of Montenegro became the French zone of occupation. The British were assigned the area of the Kvarner Gulf in the northern Adriatic, centered on the city of Rijeka. The city was claimed by Italy—not on the basis of the Treaty of London, but also on the principle of self-determination. Littoral areas outside the four zones of occupation were controlled be either Italian forces in Istria or by the Army of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (or the Royal Serbian Army before December 1918). Furthermore, all the allies had military presence in major ports.

The occupation was marked by Italian efforts to pursue the territorial claims and conflicts with civilian population and local authorities in some of the areas. Otherwise, the allies were generally welcomed by the local population in Dalmatia. In ethnically mixed Rijeka, the reception reflected the ethnic composition. The occupation of Rijeka in the British zone was characterised by takeover of the city by Gabriele D'Annunzio in September 1919. In an effort to prevent Rijeka from becoming a city-state, D'Annunzio proclaimed the Italian Regency of Carnaro and the allies retreated from the city. Italy and France came in conflict in the French zone over support to preservation of independence of Montenegro or inclusion of the country in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes as well as over support to opposing factions in the January 1919 Christmas Uprising in Montenegro.

The reasons for the occupation were addressed by transfer of the remaining Austro-Hungarian naval assets to Italy and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and by signing of the 1920 Treaty of Rapallo determining the border between the two countries. The treaty also determined establishment of the Free State of Fiume in Rijeka area, prompting D'Annunzio's removal from the city by the Regia Marina.

Background

[edit]
Further information: Adriatic question and Treaty of London (1915)
Territories promised to Italy by the 1915 Treaty of London, i.e. Trentino-Alto Adige, the Julian March and Dalmatia (tan), and the Snežnik Plateau area (green).

In 1915, the Kingdom of Italy entered World War I on the side of the Entente, following the signing of the Treaty of London, which promised Italy territorial gains at the expense of Austria-Hungary. The treaty was opposed by representatives of the South Slavs living in Austria-Hungary, who were organised as the Yugoslav Committee.[1] Following the 3 November 1918 Armistice of Villa Giusti, the Austro-Hungarian surrender,[2] Italian troops moved to occupy parts of the Eastern Adriatic shore promised to Italy under the Treaty of London, ahead of the Paris Peace Conference.[3] The State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, carved from areas of Austria-Hungary populated by the South Slavs, authorised the Yugoslav Committee to represent it abroad,[4] and the short-lived state, shortly before it sought union with the Kingdom of Serbia to establish the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, laid a competing claim to the eastern Adriatic to counter the Italian demands.[5] This claim was supported by deployment of the Royal Serbian Army to the area.[6]

Provisions of the Treaty of London were a major point of dispute between Italy and the remaining Entente powers at the Paris Peace Conference. The chief Italian representatives, Prime Minister Vittorio Emanuele Orlando and foreign minister Sidney Sonnino demanded enforcement of the treaty relying on application of the security principle, and annexation of the city of Rijeka (Italian: Fiume) on the basis of self-determination.[7] Orlando was prepared to abandon claims in Dalmatia except Zadar (Italian: Zara) and Šibenik (Italian: Sebenico) while insisting on annexing Rijeka. Sonnino held the view that was summed in slogan of "Pact of London plus Fiume" – portraying the claim as the matter of Italian national honour.[8]

The British and the French would not publicly endorse any claims exceeding those afforded by the treaty while privately holding Italy deserved little because of its reserved attitude towards Germany in early stages of the war.[7] As regards Dalmatia, the British Prime Minister David Lloyd George only supported a free-city status for Zadar and Šibenik, while French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau only supported such a status for Zadar.[9] They let the President of the United States, Woodrow Wilson, hold Italian ambitions in check in the Adriatic by advocating self-determination of the area in accordance with point nine of his Fourteen Points.[10] Wilson deemed the Treaty of London a symbol of perfidy of European diplomacy.[11] He held the treaty invalid by application of the legal doctrine of clausula rebus sic stantibus on account of fundamental changes of circumstances following the dissolution of Austria-Hungary.[12]

According to the 1910 census, Croats comprised 80% and Serbs accounted for 17% of Dalmatian population of 634,855. Italians represented 3% of the population. The region was administered from Zadar where the Diet of Dalmatia and regional government had their seats. In 1910, Zadar had a population of 13,247 and an Italian majority (70%).[13]

Zones of occupation

[edit]
Enrico Millo overseeng Italian troops landing in Šibenik.

The occupation forces were to be coordinated by the Naval Commission for the Adriatic, which consisted of admirals delegated by the four powers. Initially, the Adriatic Commission was chaired by Italian Rear Admiral Vittorio Molà [it]. It was meant to manage peacekeeping, normalisation of civilian life and maritime transport, distribution of Austro-Hungarian fleet and other related issues permanently settled by the Paris Peace Conference. The commission first met in Rijeka, but it subsequently moved to Venice and Rome.[14] The commission was established on the basis of the decision of the Allied Naval Council of the Supreme War Council of 5 November.[15]

The Adriatic Commission agreed on zones of occupation of the eastern Adriatic shores as follows: the United Kingdom was to control the Kvarner Gulf, while the northern parts of Dalmatia were the Italian zone. The southern Dalmatian coast was to be occupied by the United States. The southernmost part of Dalmatia, the shores of the Kingdom of Montenegro, and the coast of the Principality of Albania, further to the south, were the responsibility of the French. The occupation plan was never fully enforced, as only Italy deployed a large force to the area. The assignment of the Italian zone was the result of fait accompli.[14] Namely, Italy interpreted the armistice terms as allowing them to establish the armistice line in correspondence with the claims laid out in the Treaty of London and it had already established a firm foothold in the claimed area by the time the zones were defined in Venice on 16 November. That meeting of the Adriatic Commission was chaired by Admiral Paolo Thaon di Revel.[16] Other sources indicate that the zones were defined on 26 November at a commission's meeting in Rome.[17]

British zone

[edit]
Further information: Fiume question

End of the Austro-Hungarian rule

[edit]
Rječina River separating Rijeka (right) from Sušak (left)

In late October 1918, the governing organ of the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, the Zagreb-based National Council of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs appointed Rikard Lenac to take over administration of Rijeka on behalf of the newly proclaimed state. The move was coordinated with the administratively separate suburb of Sušak. The takeover of authority is variously reported by sources as occurring on 29 or 31 October.[18] Military authority in Rijeka and Sušak was assumed by Lieutenant Colonel Petar Teslić. He had under his command eight battalions of the 79th Infantry Regiment of the former Austro-Hungarian Common Army normally based in Otočac and National Guard volunteers, largely consisting of high school students.[19] On the other hand, leading ethnic Italians living in the city estabished the Italian National Council of Fiume (Italian: Consiglio Nazionale delli Italiani di Fiume) and declared the desire to add the city to Italy. They dispatched a delegation to Revel in Venice to request aid.[20] Lenac requested Zagreb to send troops as well.[19] There were clashes between Italian and South Slavic communities in the city, each side claiming the city on the basis of the self-determination principle. While the former pointed to an Italian majority in the city within the boundaries of the former Austro-Hungarian Corpus separatum, the latter pointed out that the entire city, including the suburb of Sušak, had a South Slavic majority.[21][22]

Occupation of Rijeka

[edit]
Battleship Emanuele Filiberto was in the first group of Italian ships to arrive to Rijeka.

On 2 November, a group of United States Navy ships sailed into the Port of Rijeka. The next day, they were followed by a French and a British force.[23] The British mission to Rijeka was led by Colonel Sydney Capel Peck.[24] On the same day, the Inter-Allied Command was established in Rijeka,[19] ostensibly to prevent further ethnic violence.[25] On 3 November, the day the armistice was signed, Italian armed forces gained control of much of nearby Istria peninsula, including the cities of Trieste, Rovinj (Italian: Rovigno) and Pula (Italian: Pola).[26] The Italian navy first sailed into the Port of Rijeka on 4 November.[19] The initial group consisted of battleship Emanuele Filiberto, destroyers Francesco Stocco, Vincenzo Giordano Orsini, and Giuseppe Sirtori.[27] On 5 November, French destroyers Touareg and Sakalave brought further reinforcements.[28]

A battalion, 700-strong,[29] of the First Yugoslav Volunteer Division led by Lieutenant Colonel Vojin Maksimović [sl] arrived from Zagreb on 15 November.[19] Two days later, 16 thousand Italian troops arrived as well, led by General Enrico Asinari di San Marzano [it].[28] The battalion of the First Yugoslav Volunteer Division withdrew from the city and Teslić's troops were quickly disarmed.[30] Some sources indicate that Maksimović's withdrawal from the city was negotiated and made in exchange for the promise that the San Marzano's troops would not enter Rijeka,[28] but remain in nearby Opatija instead.[31] Even though neither Rijeka nor Sušak were awarded to Italy under the Treaty of London, Italian authorities justified the deployment by referring to provisions of the armistice allowing occupation of additional territories required for strategic purposes.[32] By spring of 1919, there were approximately 20,000 Italian troops in Rijeka.[33] The Adriatic Commission discussed the Italian military dominance in the British zone and recommended the Paris Peace Conference to ensure military parity with other allied forces. Since the recommendation was objected to by Italy, the Paris Peace Conference ultimately did not act upon it.[34]

On 6 July, paramilitary Legione "Fiumana" [it] loyal to Italy clashed with French Annam troops in the city, killing 13. This prompted establishment of an international commission to determine the responsibility of the legionnaires. The commission recommended disbanding Legione "Fiumana" and reduction of Italian troops in the area to a single battalion as quickly as possible, leaving law enforcement to the British and the US forces. Those recommendations were not implemented.[35] However, the 1st Regiment "Granatieri di Sardegna" was withdrawn from the city and moved to Ronchi dei Monfalcone near Trieste on 27 August 1919.[33]

D'Annunzio's rule

[edit]
Main article: Italian Regency of Carnaro
Residents of Rijeka cheering Gabriele D'Annunzio in 1919

At the Paris Peace Conference, Italian claims under the Treaty of London and claims regarding Rijeka were rejected by the United States, the United Kingdom, and France. The Orlando government was replaced in June 1919 by that led by Francesco Saverio Nitti. The new prime minister wanted to settle diplomatic issues abroad, before concentrating on domestic issues. In that respect, foreign minister Tommaso Tittoni agreed with the British and the French that Rijeka should be a free city under the League of Nations and that the entire Dalmatia should belong to the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.[36]

In order to preempt an unfavourable settlement of the issue, Gabriele D'Annunzio set out with approximately two hundred veterans to Rijeka in the evening of 11 September.[36] When the column reached Ronchi del Monfalcone, it was joined by the Granatieri di Sardegna. Now about 2,500-strong, the column proceeded towards Rijeka and reached it the next day.[33] In response to D'Annunzio's arrival, Italian and other allied troops withdrew from the city. D'Annunzio proclaimed establishment of Italian Regency of Carnaro in the city the same day. His rule continued for fifteen months.[36]

Italian zone

[edit]

Capture of Zadar

[edit]
Map of the Austrian crown land of Dalmatia

On 4 November 1918, three Regia Marina ships set sail from Venice to Zadar, each carrying a platoon of the Arezzo Infantry Brigade to enforce the Italian claim against the city. Two of the three colided en route and turned back, leaving torpedo boat 55 AS alone. It arrived in Zadar at 2:30 p.m.[37] and 66 troops disembarked a quarter of an hour later—minutes before the armistice with Austria-Hungary was scheduled to come into effect. The commanding officer of 55 AS, Felice de Boccard declared upon arrival that he arrived on authority of the Entente and as an ally of Yugoslavia and both ethnic Italians and Croats welcomed him.[38][39]

Austro-Hungarian authorities were already toppled in the city on 31 October, when the ad-hoc established National Guard disarmed troops present in the city barracks, removed government commissioner Mate Škarić and reinstated mayor Luigi Ziliotto (previously removed from power in 1916). All Austro-Hungarian insignia were removed from the city streets, and three flags were raised at the City Guard building: Italian, Croatian, and Serbian.[40] The Serbian and Croatian flags were removed seven days later.[41] After 55 AS, torpedo boat 68 PN and destroyer Audace arrived to Zadar on 5 and 7 November respectively.[42]

Governorate of Dalmatia

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Main article: Governorate of Dalmatia
Vice Admiral Enrico Millo was the governer of the Italian zone of occupation.

On 4 November, another group of Italian vessels departed from Brindisi and captured Vis (Italian: Lissa), Korčula (Italian: Curzola), Mljet (Italian: Melada), and Lastovo (Italian: Lagosta).[43] By the end of 1918, the Italian troops occupied a part of the Dalmatian coast extending between, and including, Zadar and Šibenik, with the hinterland presence extending to Knin (Italian: Tenin) and Drniš (Italian: Dernis). Additionally, they captured the islands of Hvar (Italian: Lesina) and Pag (Italian: Pago).[44] On 19 November, General Armando Diaz appointed Vice Admiral Enrico Millo the governor of the newly established Governorate of Dalmatia.[43] Šibenik was the seat of the governorate until January 1919,[45] but the seat was then moved to Zadar.[46] The entire zone came under Italian control on 20 February 1919.[47] Islands of Rab (Italian: Arbe) and Cres (Italian: Cherso) further North also came under Italian occupation.[48]

Forces under Millo's control initially consisted of Savona Infantry Brigade, several hundred Carabinieri and customs guards, and two battalions of marines. Millo requested reinforcements and received elements of the 24th Infantry Division "Pinerolo". Hoping to receive aircraft under his command, Millo ordered construction of an air base near Zemunik Donji.[49] The reinforcements brought the number of Italian troops deployed in the Italian zone and elsewhere along the eastern Adriatic coast to 29,000 by July 1919, but the force was subsequently reduced by the autumn to about 15,000, and to 12,000 in mid-1920.[50] Millo's requests for reinforcements were motivated by the possibility of a conflict with the army of the newly established Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes or hostile population.[49] The local non-Italian population often expressed dissatisfaction with the Italian military presence, and several minor clashes occurred in 1919.[51] Aiming to repeat his takeover of Rijeka, D'Annunzio led a unit to Zadar on 14 November 1919, but Millo successfully brought D'Annunzio's troops under his control.[52] The reduction of the number of troops was caused by the decision of the Italian government to reduce military expenses.[49]

There were frequent cases of deportations of the non-Italian population by the Italian forces.[53] Millo suppressed national liberties, and non-Italians were systematically harassed by authorities in the Italian zone, including physical assaults and confiscation of ration cards. Non-italian magistrates, physicians, teachers, and priests were particularly targeted with the aim of replacing them with ethnic Italians. In order to reduce potential for visits to the zone, the occupation authorities made false reports of outbreaks of smallpox. Most of the deported and those fleeing ethnic persecution made way to the American zone. Such practices of Italian authorities largely ceased after Nitti replaced Orlando as the prime minister.[54]

American zone

[edit]

Provincial government

[edit]
SMS Zrínyi was among Austro-Hungarian ships kept during the occupation pending distribution

The American zone of occupation extended between the Italian and French zones, i.e. between the Cape Planka and the island of Šipan (Italian: Giuppana) northwest of Dubrovnik (Italian: Ragusa).[17] The US presence was largely confined to the city of Split (Italian: Spalato), while the armed forces of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes controlled the rest of the coast in the zone.[44] Italy successfully lobbied British support regarding potential Italian occupation of Split. Di Revel formally requested interallied occupation of Split on 14 November,[55] only days before the city was included in the American zone.[17]

Austro-Hungarian government bodies had already been deposed in the city in the final days of October, and the National Council of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs appointed the provincial government of Dalmatia in Split. It consisted of Ivo Krstelj, Josip Smodlaka, and Vjekoslav Škarica (with deputies Prvislav Grisogono, Uroš Desnica, and Jerko Machiedo). In early 1919, General Miloš Vasić arrived to Split as the appointed delegate of the Government of Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes to the provincial government of Dalmatia. Prior to arrival of the allied navies, public safety in the city of Split, affected by shortages of food and coal, had been entrusted to 200 National Guard volunteers organised into three companies.[56] As the US forces in Dalmatia were meant to promote Wilson's policy of self-determination, the US Navy protected and assisted the provincial government.[57]

Arrival of allies to Split

[edit]
Rear Admiral Philip Andrews was the commanding officer of the American zone of occupation.

On 9 November, the first French vessels arrived to Split. Destroyers Touareg and Sakalave sailed into the Port of Split for a day, soon followed by Foudre. The French ships were welcomed by the population. At the same time, proponents of Italian annexation of Dalmatia took the opportunity to hoist Italian flags in the port. This led to civil unrest and conflict between the city's pro-Italian minority and anti-Italian majority, as well as forceful removal of the flags by a gathered crowd. An Italian torpedo boat sailed to the city, but it had to be anchored in the port since nobody would receive its mooring lines.[58]

Austro-Hungarian battleships Radetzky and Zrínyi sailed from Pula, and reached Split on 12 November to await surrender to Rear Admiral William H. G. Bullard.[59] Bullard instructed Lieutenant Commander Edward Hazlett to go to Split with 200 troops and take control of the battleships.[60] Sixteen US submarine chasers arrived to Split to accept the surrender before all except three proceeded to Šibenik.[59] The two battleships hoisted US flags on 20 November.[61] On the same day, a detachment of the Royal Serbian Army arrived by boat via Metković. The troops, led by Major Stojan Trnokopović, were provided accommodation in Gripe Fortress [hr].[58] By early 1919, the regular Army of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes garrisoned coastal towns of Split, Trogir (Italian: Traù) and Omiš by a battalion in each town. A company was stationed in the inland town of Sinj.[62]

Numerous allied ships made port calls in Split. By January 1919, those included French Bambara, Foudre, Arabe, Hova, Sénégalais, Janissaire, and Arabis-class sloop Altair. In the same period, calls to the Port of Split were made by Italian ships Carlo Mirabello, Alessandro Poerio, and Puglia, as well as US Navy's USS Israel. On 15 December, HMS Sheldrake was the first Royal Navy ship to arrive. By January 1919, it was followed by HMS Lowestoft and HMS Veronica.[63] In February 1919, USS Olympia arrived to Split with Rear Admiral Philip Andrews aboard. USS Olympia took the role of the lead ship of the US forces, with USS Pittsburgh filling-in when she was not in the port.[64] Andrews took over the command of the US Naval Forces in Eastern Mediterranean from Rear Admiral Albert Parker Niblack on 26 March.[65] Following Andrews's arrival, the US Navy rented a Katalinić family residential building in the port as office premises, and another house as residence for Andrews and his wife.[64] US Navy officers also opened a YMCA in the present-day building of the Split Archaeological Museum. British sailors occasionally played football matches against Hajduk Football Club.[66] The United States financed repair of roads, telegraph lines, storage facilities, buildings and sports grounds used by the US Navy.[67]

Civil unrest

[edit]
Main article: 1918–1920 unrest in Split
Italian cruiser Puglia was a part of the allied occupation of the eastern Adriatic

The civil unrest persisted during the allied occupation. Friction arose in the course of distribution of food and travel documents from Italian cruiser Puglia as only the non-Italian population encountered (real or perceived) difficulties. There were occasional conflicts between Italian sailors, specifically crew of Puglia and non-Italian population of the city. Typical provocations involved hoisting of the flag of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in the port with assembled citizens taking the opportunity to salute the flag while shouting insults to Italy. In response, Italian sailors and officers would come in verbal conflict with the citizens. This prompted Niblack to declare a ban on public gatherings, singing of patriotic songs and flag waving.[68]

On 24 February 1919, a conference was convened in Split to examine allegations of persecution of Italian minority in Split presented by Italian press. The conference was attended by Bullard and Niblack on behalf of the United States, Admiral Umberto Cagni and Rear Admiral Ugo Rombo on behalf of Italy, Rear Admiral Jean Ratyé [fr] on behalf of France, and Admiral Edward Buxton Kiddle representing the British, as well as representatives of the city government. At the conference, Rombo proposed landing a large Italian force to quell the civil unrest, but the idea was opposed by Niblack who held Italian navy and propaganda responsible. The conference agreed on interallied patrols to ensure order in Split.[69] The interallied patrols initially consisted of one officer, one petty officer and three enlisted men drawn from each allied navy, plus one soldier contributed by the armed forces of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and one city police officer.[70] Later, the patrols were reduced in strength by two-thirds as the situation gradually calmed down.[69] In addition to the allied patrols, order was maintained in the city by the local police consisting of 65 officers supplemented by the National Guards militia. Initially the National Guards were unreliable, even participated in looting, but they became an effective police auxiliary force by early 1919.[62]

Conflict in Trogir

[edit]
USS Olympia served as the command ship in Split

D'Annunzio's takeover of Rijeka inspired a group of Italian officers to attempt the same in the town of Trogir. On 23 September 1919, Count Nino Fanfogna led two hundred Italian soldiers into the town.[71] After a brief skirmish, the attackers managed to disarm the town garrison maintained by the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The government in Belgrade sent a protest to the Paris Peace Conference, while the provincial government of Dalmatia and Vasić complained to Andrews. He sent USS Olympia and USS Cowell under Captain David French Boyd, Jr. to Trogir.[72]

Upon arrival, a hundred US sailors and officers landed and took positions in between Fanfogna and the troops defending Trogir.[73] Boyd demanded the Fanfogna's troops to leave the town, giving them a two-hour ultimatum. They complied with Boyd's demand,[72] withdrawing to Zadar. Andrews blamed both sides for the conflict, claiming that the Italian force inspired by D'Annunzio wanted war as did Lieutenant Colonel Milan Plesničar [sr] of the Army of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes stationed in Split.[74]

French zone

[edit]

Landings in Kotor

[edit]
Adriatic coast of the Kingdom of Montenegro was included in the French zone of occupation.

On 10 November, French, British, and Italian navies sailed into Kotor (Italian: Cattaro) and Rear Admiral Louis Caubet [fr] took command of the city in the name of the allies. The following day, three US Navy submarine chasers also arrived. By 15 November, Italy shipped two battalions of soldiers to the area. Local authorities protested against landing of the Italian troops, declaring intention to resist such a move if Italy alone were to deploy troops ashore. In turn, the allies requested the Italians not to proceed with the landing, but the request was declined.[75] Italy deployed the 137th Infantry Regiment "Barletta" led by Major General Demetrio Carbone [it] to Kotor and the 1st Infantry Regiment "San Giusto" to Bar.[50] Italy also garrisoned the town of Ulcinj.[76] In order to preserve an appearance of joint landing and prevent a clash, the allies assigned some sailors to disembark with the italian soldiers. In order to avoid making an impression that the landing represented exclusively Italian occupation, Caubet requested the landing forces to proceed in small unobtrusive groups. Instead, the landing involved a considerable ceremony with prominent display of Italian flags and playing of the Italian national anthem.[77]

On 18 November, Italian transports brought in further three thousand troops and a battalion of the United States Army. The American battalion belonged to the 332nd Infantry Regiment attached to the Italian army since its defeat in the 1917 Battle of Caporetto. It was inteded to boost defensive capacity and bolster morale. The regiment remained under Italian command following the armistice and its 2nd battalion was sent to Kotor. US sources concluded that the Italian landings in the Bay of Kotor were designed to saturate the area with their troops with the aim of gaining dominant position in the area politically.[78] The declared purpose of allied deployments to the Bay of Kotor was to secure Austro-Hungarian naval base in Kotor.[50]

Advance to Cetinje

[edit]
Further information: Montenegrin question
Brigadier General Paul Venel was the commanding officer of the French zone of occupation.

Italy supported Montenegrin independence, viewing the prospective unified South Slavic state as a threat to its interests in the Balkans and the Adriatic. Italy exploited the so-called Montenegrin question to extract concessions from Serbia.[79] In order to support Italian policy of supporting the Montenegrin independence in the aftermath of contested elections for the Podgorica Assembly meant to decide on unification with Serbia, Carbone deployed a force to capture the nearby Montenegrin capital, Cetinje on 23 November. He used for this task two companies of the 332nd Infantry Regiment and two smaller Italian units. While en route, Major Scanlon, the commanding officer of the two US companies, was approached by local officials who explained him the political situation. In response, Scanlon turned the US troops back to Kotor, leaving the Italians to proceed towards Cetinje. Upon reaching the Montenegrin border, they clashed with a Serbian unit blocking the route and were forced to turn back. Carbone planned another attempt to capture Cetinje, but was disuaded following a heated discussion of the issue between Ratyé and Revel in Rome on 26–29 November.[80] The French favoured Serbian (subsequently Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes) control of Montenegro, and facilitated deployment of 3,000 pro-Serbian Montenegrin troops in the area. The French-trained and supported troops included about 400 to be deployed in Kotor and 500 in Dubrovnik.[81] A day after proclamation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, on 2 December, Sonino ordered withdrawal of all Italian forces from Kotor. The order was later modified to allow some of the troops to remain.[80]

On 3 January, pro-independence Greens, a faction in the Montenegro's Christmas Uprising, approached Brigadier General Paul Venel, who had replaced Caubet as the French commanding officer in the zone, requesting the allies to occupy Cetinje and deny it to the forces of Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Venel declined, prompting the Italian command in Montenegro to criticise the French for their bias.[81] Venel did send troops to Cetinje on 5 January, taking over control of the city two days later—but the troops he used were French, American and belonging to the newly proclaimed Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes only. At the same time, he intervened in an Italian effort to regain control of the village of Njeguši from the Greens. Italian and US troops were led by Carbone personally. Venel ordered the Italians to stop their advance while the US troops were allowed to proceed the objective. Even though he was acting on instructions of the commander of the Allied Army of the Orient, General Louis Franchet d'Espèrey,[82] Venel was relieved of command in February 1919 after further protests by the Italians and the Montenegrin government-in-exile.[83] He was replaced by General Mathias Tahon.[84]

Handover of the Austro-Hungarian ships

[edit]

The US troops left Montenegro in early 1919,[85] while the French and the Italians limited their occupation the coastal areas of Bar and Ulcinj, the town of Virpazar on the shore of Lake Skadar and Kotor (at the southernmost tip of Dalmatia at the time) on instructions of d'Espèrey in April 1919. The remainder of Montenegro was left for the Army of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes to occupy.[86] French troops left Montenegro (Bar and Virpazar) in March 1920, while the Italian troops remained there until the summer of 1920. The Austro-Hungarian fleet guarded in Kotor was handed over to the Navy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in July 1920.[87]

Aftermath

[edit]
Main article: Treaty of Rapallo (1920)
Departure of USS Reuben James from Split marked the end of the allied occupation of the eastern Adriatic.

In June 1920, Nitti's government was replaced by the cabinet led by Giovanni Giolitti who wanted to better concentrate on domestic issues and quickly settle foreign policy issues. On the other hand, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes wanted to gain unobstructed access to Adriatic ports for commerce. It hoped for US assistance until Warren G. Harding and the Republican Party won the presidential election.[88] On 12 November,[89] delegations of the two countries met in Rapallo and concluded a treaty on mutual borders. Italy received Istria, while the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes received Dalmatia excluding Zadar and several smaller islands. It was decided that Rijeka and its immediate surroundings would become the Free State of Fiume.[88]

In response to signing of the Treaty of Rapallo, the Italian Regency of Carnaro proclaimed a state of war,[90] but the Italian Navy drove D'Annunzio from Rijeka in an intervention known as Bloody Christmas.[91] Military rule persisted in the Italian zone until the end of December 1920, when a special civilian commissioner was appointed in Zadar, the seat of the Province of Zara, in the aftermath of the treaty.[45] All allied troops left the French zone in December when the French left Kotor.[87] The Treaty of Rapallo (along with the death of Nicholas I of Montenegro a few months later) marked the end of Italian support for Montenegrin resistance against the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.[92]

On 7 November, the US Navy towed Radetzky and Zrínyi to Šibenik and turned the ships over to Regia Marina. Even though this completed the naval aspect of the US mission to the region, the United States Department of State requested the navy to remain in Split until Italian vessels withdraw from the city and until Italian troops pull out from the Italian zone of occupation.[93] The Adriatic Committee convened for the final time on 31 January 1921 to wind down its operations. On 26 April, Andrews left Split aboard USS Olympia.[94] The US mission was concluded on 29 September 1921 as USS Reuben James sailed out of Split, commanded by Rufus F. Zogbaum, Jr. as the senior officer in the Adriatic.[95]

References

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  1. ^ Ramet 2006, pp. 41–42.
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  4. ^ Matijević 2008, p. 50.
  5. ^ Merlicco 2021, pp. 119–120.
  6. ^ Ramet 2006, pp. 43–44.
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  8. ^ Burgwyn 1997, p. 8.
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  10. ^ Burgwyn 1997, pp. 7–8.
  11. ^ Glenny 2012, p. 371.
  12. ^ Hill 1934, pp. 60–61.
  13. ^ Gverić 2018, pp. 7–8.
  14. ^ a b Batović & Kasalo 2021, pp. 301–302.
  15. ^ Davidonis 1943, p. 22.
  16. ^ Davidonis 1943, pp. 22–25.
  17. ^ a b c Hrvatić 2007, p. 157.
  18. ^ Bartulović 2013, pp. 165–167.
  19. ^ a b c d e Bartulović 2013, p. 168.
  20. ^ Patafta 2006, p. 201.
  21. ^ Batović & Kasalo 2021, pp. 304–305.
  22. ^ MacMillan 2002, p. 293.
  23. ^ Drinković 2023, p. 1138.
  24. ^ Lanchester 1950.
  25. ^ Prister 2019, p. 172.
  26. ^ Cipriani 2016, p. 91.
  27. ^ Drinković 2023, pp. 1139–1140.
  28. ^ a b c Drinković 2023, p. 1142.
  29. ^ Drinković 2023, p. 1141.
  30. ^ Patafta 2006, p. 202.
  31. ^ Bartulović 2013, n. 44.
  32. ^ Bartulović 2013, p. 170.
  33. ^ a b c Prister 2019, p. 170.
  34. ^ Davidonis 1943, pp. 52–53.
  35. ^ Bartulović 2013, p. 171.
  36. ^ a b c MacMillan 2002, pp. 301–302.
  37. ^ Cipriani 2016, pp. 91–92.
  38. ^ Gverić 2018, pp. 21–22.
  39. ^ Ivoš 1999, p. 184.
  40. ^ Gverić 2018, p. 16.
  41. ^ Gverić & Martinović 2014, p. 22.
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  43. ^ a b Cipriani 2016, p. 92.
  44. ^ a b Diklić 2011, pp. 228–230.
  45. ^ a b Ivoš 1999, p. 185.
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  47. ^ Wilcox 2021, p. 204.
  48. ^ Cipriani 2016, p. 100.
  49. ^ a b c Cipriani 2016, pp. 94–95.
  50. ^ a b c Cipriani 2016, p. 97.
  51. ^ Batović & Kasalo 2021, pp. 321–322.
  52. ^ Cipriani 2016, p. 96.
  53. ^ Batović & Kasalo 2021, p. 324.
  54. ^ Davidonis 1943, pp. 85–86.
  55. ^ Davidonis 1943, pp. 70–71.
  56. ^ Cukrov 2013, pp. 98–100.
  57. ^ Gabriel 1944, p. 642.
  58. ^ a b Cukrov 2013, pp. 99–100.
  59. ^ a b Hrvatić 2007, p. 158.
  60. ^ Davidonis 1943, p. 71.
  61. ^ Davidonis 1943, pp. 71–72.
  62. ^ a b Davidonis 1943, p. 68.
  63. ^ Hrvatić 2007, pp. 158–159.
  64. ^ a b Cukrov 2013, pp. 101–102.
  65. ^ Perica 2010, p. 134.
  66. ^ Hrvatić 2007, p. 160.
  67. ^ Cukrov 2013, p. 103.
  68. ^ Cukrov 2013, pp. 100–101.
  69. ^ a b Hrvatić 2007, pp. 159–160.
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  72. ^ a b Davidonis 1943, pp. 89–90.
  73. ^ Cukrov 2013, pp. 102–103.
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  77. ^ Davidonis 1943, pp. 33–34.
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  81. ^ a b Becherelli 2016, pp. 77–78.
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  83. ^ Becherelli 2016, n. 23.
  84. ^ Becherelli 2016, p. 96.
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  86. ^ Becherelli 2016, p. 95.
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  88. ^ a b MacMillan 2002, pp. 303–304.
  89. ^ Pizzi 2001, p. 13.
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  91. ^ Knox 2007, p. 276.
  92. ^ Carteny 2015, p. 186.
  93. ^ Davidonis 1943, pp. 95–96.
  94. ^ Davidonis 1943, p. 97.
  95. ^ Davidonis 1943, p. 98.

Sources

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