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Aineta aryballos
Photograph of a Greek pot, light yellow in colour and covered in writing and drawings, in a museum case.
The Aineta aryballos displayed in the British Museum
MaterialCeramic
Size6.35 centimetres (2.50 in) (height)[1]
WritingAncient Greek (Corinthian alphabet)
CreatedDisputed; c. 625 – c. 570 BCE
Discoveredc. 1852
Corinth, Greece
Present locationBritish Museum, London
Identification1865,1213.1

The Aineta aryballos is an Ancient Greek aryballos, made between approximately 625 and 570 BCE in the city of Corinth in southern Greece. Approximately 6.35 centimetres (2.50 in) in both height and diameter, it was intended to contain perfumed oil or unguent, and is likely to have been owned by a high-class courtesan (hetaira) by the name of Aineta, who may be portrayed in a drawing on its handle. The vase's illegal sale to the British Museum in 1865 led to the prosecution of its seller, the Athenian professor and art dealer Athanasios Rhousopoulos, and exposed his widespread involvement in antiquities crime.

The vase is inscribed with a portrait, generally agreed to be that of a woman and probably that of Aineta, who is named in the inscription upon the vase. Below the portrait are the names of nine men, generally taken to be Aineta's admirers or lovers. It is likely to have been found in a grave, probably that of Aineta herself. According to Rhousopoulos, it was discovered in Corinth around 1852. In 1877, Panagiotis Efstratiadis, the Ephor General of Antiquities in charge of the Greek Archaeological Service, had Rhousopoulos fined for selling the vase in contravention of Greek law. Yannis Galanakis has called the case "a milestone in the trafficking of Greek antiquities", in that it represented a relatively rare successful use of state power against the illegal trade in Ancient Greek artefacts.[2]

Description

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The Aineta aryballos is made from yellowish clay.[3] It is approximately 6.35 centimetres (2.50 in) in height[1] and diameter. Its base is flat, allowing it to stand on its own. The opening of the jar is approximately 8 millimetres (0.31 in) in diameter, within a mouth approximately 4.2–4.8 centimetres (1.7–1.9 in) in diameter. The handle is 3.0 centimetres (1.2 in) wide and 2.5 centimetres (0.98 in) tall, and tapers slightly towards the bottom. The vase itself was made on a potter's wheel in two pieces – the globular body and the disc-shaped neck – which were subsequently joined to each other and to the handle.[4]

The Athenian art dealer Athanasios Rhousopoulos, a professor at the University of Athens,[5] made the first scholarly publication of the aryballos in 1862, in which he described it as "rather rough, but diligently cleaned".[3] In his initial publication, Rhousopoulos said that it resembled a quince;[4] later, he would describe it as "the size of an apple".[6]

Aryballoi were typically used to store small amounts of perfumed oil or unguent.[7] Rhousopoulos believed that the vase may have been a gift from her lovers to a high-class courtesan (hetaira) named Aineta, or perhaps deposited as a grave good in her tomb.[a] In support of this latter hypothesis, Rhousopoulos suggested that the vase's excellent state of preservation, as well as the lack of any post-manufacture inscriptions (such as the kalos inscription common on Attic vases) indicated that it had never been used.[8] Matthias Steinhart and Eckhard Wirbelauer wrote in 2000 that it is universally considered to have been a gift of some nature,[9] while Rudolf Wachter concurred in 2001 with Rhousopoulos's assessment that the vase was probably a "love-gift".[10]

Decoration and date

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The body and mouth of the vase are decorated with rosettes. Rhousopoulos considered the mouth, with its flower-like motif centred on the opening, as the finest part of the vase, writing "here we trace a fully Greek taste". However, he contrasted this with the decoration of the vase body, where, he judged, "we immediately find ourselves in unknown regions of Asia: magnificent, ... but strange and exotic".[11][b]

The vase was made in the city of Corinth, in southern Greece.[13] On the basis of its decoration, Rhousopoulos dated the vase to the 30th Olympiad (660–656 BCE), which would have made the Aineta aryballos the oldest-known inscribed Corinthian vase,[14] and place it in the ceramic period known as Middle Protocorinthian II.[15] Its date has since been disputed: in his 1931 work on Corinthian pottery, Humfry Payne dated it to approximately 625 BCE on the basis of the letter-forms used in the inscription, an assessment endorsed by Lilian Hamilton Jeffery in 1961.[16] In 1979, Fritz Lorber argued that Payne's date was too early: he discussed the vase among those of the Early Corinthian period (620/615–595/590 BCE),[17] and wrote that the letter-forms show features, such as the serpentine form of the letter iota, characteristic of sixth-century inscriptions.[12] Darrell A. Amyx suggested in 1988 that it most likely dates to the Middle Corinthian period (595/590–570 BCE), a view upheld by Wachter.[18]

Inscription

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Line drawing of an ancient Greek pot: on the rear of the handle, a woman's face, with a prominent nose and long hair, can be seen.
Line drawing of the aryballos, showing the decoration and inscription

The handle of the vase is inscribed with a drawing of the head of a woman, with a list of nine men's names on the vase body below it,[19][c] separated from each other and the portrait by three dividing lines.[21] Similar female portraits are common on other Corinthian vases of the type.[22] All of the names, as well as the drawing, were inscribed at the time of the vase's manufacture.[8] The writing uses the Corinthian alphabet.[23]

Descending from the mouth of the woman's portrait is an inscription, Aineta emi (Αἰνέτα ἐμί): the word emi[d] means "I am", and Aineta is a name, meaning "the famous one" or "the praised one".[24] It is generally considered to be a woman's name,[e] probably of a hetaira, as it fits the common tendency for hetairai to have self-descriptive "speaking names".[26] Scholars debate whether Aineta is in the nominative or the genitive case: if the former, the inscription translates as "I am Aineta"; if the latter, it means "I am Aineta's". In support of the nominative reading, Wachter and Margherita Guarducci point out that the words are written descending from the portrait's mouth, as if representing the portrait's speech.[27] This is the earliest known example in Greek pottery of a speech-inscription; they became reasonably common in the sixth century BCE.[28]

In 1976, Carlo Gallavotti [it] argued that the portrait was that of a man's head, that the name was that of Ainetas, a male dancer, and that the other names were members of his troupe, including a musician named Menneas.[29] This view has generally been rejected.[30] Payne had earlier dismissed the "Ainetas" hypothesis on the grounds that the name is otherwise unknown in Greek.[31] Aineta is sometimes considered to be a pseudonym or the name of a fictional hetaira, though Wachter considers it most likely to be real.[26] The name Meneas (or Menneas) comes first in the list and is written slightly larger and more boldly than the others, and so seems to have been given particular prominence.[10]

Rhousopoulos interpreted the female face as a drawing of the goddess Aphrodite.[8] Most subsequent assessments have considered it more likely to be a portrait of Aineta herself.[24] Katerina Volioti and Maria Papageorgiou have associated the portrait with similar depictions connected to the coming of age of upper-class women.[32] In a 1942 article, Majorie Milne considered that the presence of multiple male names showed a "co-operative spirit" between Aineta's admirers, and contrasted the vase with a pyxis showing three female names that she suggested were those of hetairai.[33] Wachter has described the list of names on the Aineta aryballos as good evidence for Corinthian prosopography and onomastics at the time of the vase's use.[10]

Discovery

[edit]

The vase was first mentioned in scholarship by Rhousopoulos, in an 1862 article in the journal of the German Archaeological Institute at Rome [de].[34] According to Rhousopoulos's publication, the vase had been discovered around 1852 in Corinth, and had "come into [his] possession" a few years later.[4]

Rhousopoulos was a part of the illegal trade in ancient artefacts excavated surreptitiously and without official permission.[35] In the early 1870s, he boasted to the Oxford professor George Rolleston that he was able to call upon "all the Athens grave-diggers[f] who dig for tombs throughout Attica".[38] Though his activities had not yet attracted official notice,[6] Nikolaos Papazarkadas has written that Rhousopoulos "was heavily involved in dubious transactions involving illegally-excavated antiquities".[35] The main law governing antiquities was the Archaeological Law of 22 May [O.S. 10 May] 1834,[g] which Yannis Galanakis has characterised as "loosely interpreted and even more loosely enforced".[40] Under the 1834 law, private excavators – often referred to as "grave-robbers"[41] – required the permission of the Ephor General to excavate, but the Ephor General was obliged to grant that authorisation if the excavation took place on private land and had the landowner's consent.[42] Furthermore, antiquities discovered in such excavations were considered the joint property of the state and the private excavators,[43] and would be shared between the landowners and the excavators.[44] Such artefacts could be sold freely overseas, provided that their owners secured the judgement of a state committee of three experts that the object was "useless" to Greek museums.[45]

Sale to the British Museum

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Line drawing of a bearded man in a formal jacket
Charles Merlin, who purchased the aryballos from Rhousopoulos on behalf of the British Museum

In 1865, Panagiotis Efstratiadis, the Ephor General in charge of the Greek Archaeological Service,[h] wrote in his diary of the size and richness of Rhousopoulos's antiquities collection, marking the first time that Rhousopoulos's activities had come to official attention.[6] Rhousopoulos sold the aryballos to the British Museum for 1,000 drachmae in 1865,[2][i] via Charles Merlin, a British banker and diplomat resident in Athens who often acted as an intermediary for antiquities purchases. Charles Newton, the museum's Keeper of Greek and Roman Antiquities, had previously selected the object for purchase, and subsequently received it from Merlin.[48] Rhousopoulos made the sale without securing the required permission from the state committee, but defended himself in the newspaper Elpis on 16 February [O.S. 4 February] 1867, arguing that the aryballos was "of no artistic value, the size of an apple, only valued for 25 drachmae".[6][i] Efstratiadis, meanwhile, denounced Rhousopoulos as a "university professor; antiquities looter".[49]

Efstratiadis's ability to respond to Rhousopoulos's breach of the law was limited: the state had few financial, human or legal resources to address the illegal excavation and trade of antiquities, and his superiors in government had little political will to do so.[50] He also needed to maintain good relations with Athens's art dealers, who undertook more excavations in this period than either the Greek Archaeological Service or the closely aligned Archaeological Society of Athens, and usually offered to sell the artefacts they uncovered to the state.[51] Furthermore, Rhousopoulos was periodically a member of the appraising committee of three, and often acted as a consultant to it, further limiting Efstratiadis's ability to use the state's archaeological apparatus against him.[6]

Rhousopoulos was, however, fined 1,000 drachmae (the same as the price for which he had sold the aryballos) later in 1867 for exporting antiquities without the Ephor General's permission. His actions were condemned by the Minister for Education and Religious Affairs, who oversaw the Archaeological Service,[52] and by the Archaeological Society of Athens, which expelled him at some point in the 1870s.[53] Rhousopoulos subsequently endeavoured to keep his antiquities dealing outside the knowledge and scrutiny of the state.[52] Galanakis has called the case over the aryballos "a milestone in the trafficking of Greek antiquities", in that it represented a rare successful prosecution for the unauthorised export of an ancient artefact under the 1834 law.[2]

Footnotes

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Explanatory notes

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  1. ^ Rhousopoulos attributed the latter idea to the German archaeologist Otto Jahn.[8]
  2. ^ Fritz Lorber, in 1979, described the entire vase as being "of not overly high quality".[12]
  3. ^ Their names are Meneas (or Menneas), Theron, Myrmidas, Eudokios, Lysandrias, Kariklidas, Dexilios (or Dexillios), Xenwon and Phryx.[20]
  4. ^ In Attic Greek, written as εἰμί (eimi); the ἐμί spelling is attested on other Corinthian vases.[10]
  5. ^ Matthias Steinhart and Eckhard Wirbelauer consider that Aineta could be either a male or female name, but consider it most likely to be the name of the female figure portrayed if in the nominative form.[25] On the probable gender of Aineta, see also Guarducci 1978, p. 400, who considers it most likely to be a woman's name, given its context in the inscription and parallels with similar texts.
  6. ^ In Greek, tymborychoi (τυμβωρύχοι). Yannis Galanakis and Stella Skaltsa state that this word literally means grave-diggers, but that it had carried negative connotations of robbery since antiquity and, by the 1870s, "clearly referred to people who dig up tombs in order to despoil them".[36] However, Galanakis and Nowak-Kemp elsewhere note that the term could also be used more neutrally, since tymborychoi often worked on legal excavations with the permission of the Ephor General.[37]
  7. ^ Greece adopted the Gregorian calendar in 1923; 28 February [O.S. 15 February] was followed by 1 March.[39]
  8. ^ Efstratiadis had been appointed to the office in 1864, following the death of Kyriakos Pittakis.[46]
  9. ^ a b By way of comparison, Rhousopoulos earned 350 drachmae a month from his professorship at Athens in 1859.[47]

References

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  1. ^ a b British Museum 2020.
  2. ^ a b c Galanakis 31 December 2012.
  3. ^ a b Rhousopoulos 1862, p. 47.
  4. ^ a b c Rhousopoulos 1862, p. 46.
  5. ^ Galanakis 2008, p. 29.
  6. ^ a b c d e Galanakis 31 October 2012.
  7. ^ Hurwit 2015, p. 157.
  8. ^ a b c d Rhousopoulos 1862, p. 55.
  9. ^ Steinhart & Wirbelauer 2000, p. 266.
  10. ^ a b c d Wachter 2001, p. 48.
  11. ^ Rhousopoulos 1862, p. 47: Qui rintracciamo un gusto pienamente greco, ma, fatto un piccolo salto dal disco sul corpo del vaso, subito ci ritroviamo in regioni ignote dell' Asia, magnifiche sì, ma strane ed esotiche.
  12. ^ a b Lorber 1979, p. 29.
  13. ^ Williams 1999, p. 139.
  14. ^ Rhousopoulos 1862, p. 56.
  15. ^ Hasaki 2021, p. 78 (table 3.4), based on Amyx 1988, pp. 399, 428.
  16. ^ Jeffery 1961, pp. 125, 131, cited in Wachter 2001, p. 47.
  17. ^ Lorber 1979, pp. 28–30, cited in Wachter 2001, p. 48; for the date, Hasaki 2021, p. 78 (table 3.4), based on Amyx 1988, pp. 399, 428.
  18. ^ Amyx 1988, p. 561; Wachter 2001, p. 47.
  19. ^ Wachter 2001, p. 47.
  20. ^ Wachter 2001, pp. 47–48.
  21. ^ Lorber 1979, p. 28.
  22. ^ Cohen 2006, p. 152.
  23. ^ Gerleigner 2016, p. 179.
  24. ^ a b Wachter 2001, pp. 48, 260.
  25. ^ Steinhart & Wirbelauer 2000, p. 267; Klinger 2009, p. 102.
  26. ^ a b Wachter 2001, p. 260.
  27. ^ Wachter 2001, p. 48; Guarducci 1978, p. 400.
  28. ^ Gerleigner 2016, pp. 179–180.
  29. ^ Gallavotti 1976, p. 222; cited in Wachter 2001, p.48, n. 181.
  30. ^ Guarducci 1978, p. 400; Wachter 2001, p. 48, n. 181; Klinger 2009, p. 102.
  31. ^ Payne 1931, p. 162.
  32. ^ Volioti & Papageorgiou 2015, p. 113, n. 9.
  33. ^ Milne 1942, pp. 217, 222.
  34. ^ The article is Rhousopoulos 1862.
  35. ^ a b Papazarkadas 2014, p. 406.
  36. ^ Galanakis & Skaltsa 2012, p. 638.
  37. ^ Galanakis & Nowak-Kemp 2013, n. 39.
  38. ^ Galanakis & Nowak-Kemp 2013, p. 3.
  39. ^ Kiminas 2009, p. 23.
  40. ^ Galanakis 2011, p. 186.
  41. ^ Galanakis 15 November 2012.
  42. ^ Galanakis & Skaltsa 2012, p. 623.
  43. ^ Petrakos 2011, p. 18.
  44. ^ Galanakis & Skaltsa 2012, p. 640.
  45. ^ Galanakis & Nowak-Kemp 2013, pp. 6–7.
  46. ^ Petrakos 2011, p. 63.
  47. ^ Galanakis & Nowak-Kemp 2013, n. 32.
  48. ^ Galanakis 30 November 2012.
  49. ^ Galanakis & Nowak-Kemp 2013, p. 16.
  50. ^ Galanakis 2011, p. 193.
  51. ^ Galanakis 2011, p. 177.
  52. ^ a b Galanakis & Nowak-Kemp 2013, p. 8.
  53. ^ Galanakis 17 October 2012.

Bibliography

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  • Milne, Marjorie (1942). "Three Names on a Corinthian Jar". American Journal of Archaeology. 46 (2): 217–222. doi:10.2307/499384. ISSN 0002-9114. JSTOR 499384. S2CID 191354944.
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  • Rhousopoulos, Athanasios Sergiou (1862). "Sopra un vasetto corinzio con iscrizioni d'un carattere antichissimo" [On a Small Corinthian Vase with Inscriptions of a Most Ancient Character]. Annali dell'Instituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica (in Italian). 34: 46–56. ISSN 0394-3798. Retrieved 7 May 2023.
  • Steinhart, Matthias; Wirbelauer, Eckhard (2000). "Par Peisistratou: Epigraphische Zeugnisse zur Geschichte des Schenkens" [Par Peisistratou: Epigraphic Evidence on the History of Gift-Giving]. Chiron (in German). 30: 255–289. ISSN 0069-3715.
  • Volioti, Katerina; Papageorgiou, Maria (2015). "A New Signed Corinthian Aryballos". Talanta – Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society. 46–47: 107–120. ISSN 0165-2486.
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