Jump to content

Social predictors of depression

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Social predictors of depression are aspects of one's social environment that are related to an individual developing major depression. These risk factors include negative social life events, conflict, and low levels of social support, all of which have been found affect the likelihood of someone experiencing major depression, the length of the depression, or the severity of the symptoms.[citation needed]

Negative social life events

[edit]

Negative social life events have been found to greatly increase one's risk of depression and clinicians are often quick to check if any major life events have preceded their patient's symptoms.[1] This relationship is largely thought to be causal, with the strongest evidence of causation coming from findings that negative events outside of one's control are strongly associated with depression, making it unlikely that depression symptoms had anything to do with the negative event.[2] Additional support comes from twin studies, which allow for researchers to control for endogenous factors that may be related to its onset.[2] However, noncausal associations are also likely as individuals who are more likely to be depressed may increase their chance of experiencing a negative social event due to placing themselves into relationships where these events may be more common.[3]

Evidence for the association between negative life events and depression comes largely from case studies and studies that compare the frequency of these events in depressed individuals to rates in people who are representative of the larger population.[1] Negative life events are often reported by the depressed, with up to 80% of cases of major depression are preceded by some major life event, and symptoms tend to occur within one month of the event if a diagnosis of major depression is made.[2] This high frequency of negative events is also seen relative to representative samples of the non-depressed population, with studies often showing the depressed to have experienced twice as much of these negative experiences.[1] In addition to this, depressed individuals are more likely to have experienced negative life events preceding their symptoms compared to other mental health issues like schizophrenia and bipolar disorder.[4]

Although negative social experiences are often reported as preceding depression, most people do not get diagnosed with major depression.[5] Part of this stems from the fact that grieving or sadness behavior is often seen as normal and healthy and not worthy of a diagnosis indicating pathology.[6] However, one's history with major depression, levels of social support, gender, sex, and personality differences have all been suggested to play roles in mediating one's sensitivity to pathological depression.[5][4][7][8]

Dependent versus independent events

[edit]

The negative life events that lead to depression are often classified as dependent or independent, with dependent events being those an individual has some control over and independent events being those which are mostly due to unavoidable chance.[5]

Dependent events typically involve most stressors that result from interactions with people in addition to variables like performance-based job security and avoidable financial problems.[5] They are more strongly associated with depression than independent events when controlling for severity and may be the result of traits that lead individuals into situations that are more likely to result in depression.[2] In addition to this, they are likely to be more directly related to interpersonal content, at least immediately following when the stressor is felt.[5]

Dependent events are also thought to be more strongly associated with major depression symptoms in people who have a history of it than those experiencing it for the first time.[9] However, the validity of this statement may be dependent on whether one is focusing on relapse or recurrence, with the evidence from recurrent major depression being more supportive.

Although independent events are less associated with depression and social content, they are still positively associated with depression.[2] In addition to this, they have helped contribute evidence for the causal relationship between negative life events and depression, as with dependent events there is always the question of whether depression symptoms played a role in their occurrence.[2][5]

Episodic events and chronic stress

[edit]

Like other types of negative life events, the social experiences that lead to higher probabilities of developing major depression, can either be one-time events or repeated.[5] Episodic events are those with clear beginnings and endings, which usually involve a specific time frame. However, it is often hard to distinguish episodic stressors from chronic stressors as the length of many stressors is expected to vary based on individual, environmental, and cultural factors.[10] However, the loss of a loved one can usually be considered a short-term discrete event, and such instances are estimated to result in depression 17-31% of the time.[1] Other examples of episodic stressors include an unexpected loss of employment, robbery, and assault, all of which are known to increase the likelihood for depression.[2]

In addition to differences in the length of stressful events, researchers have also emphasized that different types of events may relate to differences in how stress is experienced.[5] For example, episodic events like romantic breakups, economic hardship, or assault can result in long periods of chronic stress.[2] This may be due to the likelihood that these events are often caused ongoing problems or the result in them, where a quick fix is often not possible.[11] Although it is less often mentioned in case studies, a lack of social support has also been implicated as a form of chronic stress that increases the likelihood of major depression.[12] Like with the previously mentioned example of romantic breakups, a lack of social support may become a form of chronic stress as it is often something that cannot be fixed quickly and may be a source of conflict.

Both negative life events and chronic stress have each been shown to contribute to the onset of depression, and the two may combine to increase one's risk of depression.[11] For example, acute and chronic stressors were found to increase the likelihood of depression to similar degrees in both men and women in a Spanish sample that compared a depressed group to controls.[13] In addition to their direct effect on depression, both stressors have been suggested to interact, with either chronic stress making individuals more susceptible to the effects of episodic events [2] or by negative life events adding to levels of chronic stress.[5]

Sex and gender differences in sensitivity to social loss

[edit]

Major depression is about twice as common in women than in men.[14] One often explored explanation for this is that women experience more negative social events than men; however, there is little evidence for this when looking at the relationship between negative events and depression as a whole.[15][8] That being said, much variability exists when looking negative event type and risk of depression, particularly if they involve a social component.[8]

In general, women are at much higher risk of developing depression after a social loss than men.[16] One explanation for this is that women tend to have larger networks of meaningful supporters than men where an important loss can happen.[17] Evidence for this comes primarily from the finding that both sexes are equally likely to become depressed in response to conflict or death within the nuclear family, while women are more likely to become depressed in response to the loss of a friend and family members outside of the nuclear family.[17] In addition to this, women may also be more sensitive to depression when conflict exists and is physically expressed as evidenced by women being more likely to be depressed after a physical attack but not men[8]

Another potential explanation is that women experience greater strain than men and have fewer ways to manage or lessen their difficulties. However, there is currently little direct evidence for this.[15]

Although women are typically found to be more sensitive to social loss outside of the nuclear family as a risk factor for depression,[17] supportive social networks have also been shown to be more protective against depression in women.[16] For this reason, Kendler and colleagues suggest that differences in sensitivity to social stressors alone cannot explain the sex difference in depression on its own since the larger social networks of women likely reduce their risk of depression.

Depression's role in negative life events

[edit]

In addition to negative life events leading to depression, researchers have suggested that depression may also worsen one's social environment, which can further elevate the symptoms of major depression[18] and one's risk of experiencing negative events.[19] This connection between depression and social stressors is best seen through depressed individuals being more likely to experience more negative social events during their depression than non-depressed individuals or those with other conditions.[20] In particular, depressed individuals are more likely to experience social rejection.[21] However, it is unclear what effect increased rejection has on one's experience with depression.

Negative feedback and reassurance seeking

[edit]

Of the ways depression might lead to increased social stressors, negative feedback seeking and reassurance seeking are two of the most explored.[22] Both behaviors involve questioning social partners about oneself in ways that are aversive to others, differing in whether the feedback sought is positive or negative [23]

Evidence compatible with reassurance seeking and negative feedback seeking increasing social stress and depression symptoms comes from the frequency of these behaviors among the depressed and the responses of others that often accompany these actions.[23] For example, depressed individuals have been found to engage more in both behaviors than non-depressed individuals [23] and may fail to benefit from positive feedback when it is available.[19]

Reactions to negative feedback and reassurance seeking often include increased likelihood of rejection [23] and contribute to low self-esteem levels,[19] potentially prolonging or increasing both one's depression symptoms and the degree to which the depressed engages in feedback seeking. Therefore, although the negativity of these social impacts may be minor relative to what triggered depression, their effects may be significant once symptoms are present.[24]

In terms of directly connection these behaviors to depression, reassurance seeking style has been reported to be associated with depression symptoms among those experiencing it.[24]

Conflict

[edit]

In addition to the loss of a relationship with a loved one, conflict has also been suggested as another way social factors can bring about depression.[25] Divorce, separation, and the threat of either often result in both conflict and depression,[5] and serious marital problems and divorce are two of the strongest predictors of depression.[2] Conflict with other family members is also predictive of depression, although not to the extent of marital problems.[26]

Although less studied, conflict outside of the family is also associated with depression. This is seen among the Tsimané, who are more likely to be depressed if they are currently in conflict with anyone, especially if that person is outside of their family.[27]

The relationship between conflict and depression is also seen through assault.[26] This is seen primarily in the short-term, with assault often being the event with the highest likelihood of being correlated with depression after the fact.[2][26] However, long-term affects are also seen, in that childhood assaults (both sexual and physical) are correlated with greater likelihoods of depression later in life.[28]

Social support levels

[edit]

Social support levels have a strong inverse relationship with one's risk of becoming depressed despite the challenges that come with measuring them.[17] This effect is most strongly felt in women, who tend to have larger support networks and are more likely to become depressed in response to conflict or loss in relationships outside the nuclear family.[8]

Depressed individuals tend to have lower levels of both perceived and actual support and may express this to others in ways that may exacerbate one's symptoms and put more strain on one's social relationships.[29] Time spent in major depressive episodes is also negatively correlated with social support, but it is unclear whether longer bouts of depression lessen perceived or actual support or if social support helped the depressed return to normal faster.[30]

However, the degree to which the relationship between social support and depression is casual is still uncertain.[4] Questions about causality often come from the possibility that social support levels may be tied to other traits that also play a role in depression.[4] For example, in addition to depression tending to produce negative reactions from others after the fact people with low social support may simply be less interested or less skilled in developing social networks which may help buffer against negative life events.[30][4] Therefore, a trait that lessons the extent of one's social network may also result in more social adversity or negatively impact one's risk of depression in other, indirect ways.

In addition to low levels of support being a risk factor for depression, high levels are also widely considered to have protective effects.[31] However, these results are not universal[4] and often come from studies limited to self-reports from the depressed.[31]

In today's culture of social networks being tied to social media and with the high numbers of social media users, studies have been conducted recently to determine if there is a relationship between social media use and depression. This topic of research in regard to college students is of significant interest due to the high rates of depression reported in this group. For example, in the American College Health Association's National College Health Assessment for Spring 2019, 46.2% of American undergraduate college students reported feeling "so depressed that it was difficult to function" at any time in the past 12 months.[32] Studies published in the journals Social Science & Medicine in 2017 and Computers in Human Behavior in 2018 have found that problematic[33] or addictive[34] social media use is strongly associated with depression or depressive symptoms. Meanwhile, a study from 2018 in the Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology found that university students who limited time spent on social media for an extended period of time had decreased levels of depression.[35] Another study published in 2018 in the Journal of American College Health found that having close, real-life relationships with social media contacts "was significantly associated with decreased odds of depressive symptoms".[36]

Depression and the family

[edit]

The family is a potential source of both important social support and conflict, both of which are associated with differences in the likelihood of depression.[26][25][37]

Risk factors within the family

[edit]

Multiple risk factors for adolescent depression have been identified within the family.[38] Among the strongest is the degree to which conflict is present within a family, with more conflict being associated with greater risk of depression.[25] In addition to this, parental responses to sadness or discontent are also tied to the likelihood of major depression, with both increased aggression and suppressed aggression towards dysphoric children being associated with greater likelihoods of adolescent depression.[38]

Although conflict and social support are often viewed as opposites, it is likely that both are the result of different mechanisms so that high levels of conflict do not necessarily have the same impact as low levels of social support.[39][40] This is seen in that although low parental support is predictive of depression within the family, high social support from one parent may not be enough to provide protective effects in response to conflict with the other.[39]

Familial reactions towards the depressed

[edit]

As with the depressed in general, responses to depressed family members are often aversive. This is seen in that parents of the depressed tend to provide less support and neglect their children more than parents of non-depressed individuals.[38] However, depression has also been found to reduce the chance that a parent will act aggressively towards their child,[31] an outcome that is compatible with evolutionary approaches emphasizing depression's role as a potential signal of need or a bargaining strategy.[41]

Heritability of social predictors of depression

[edit]

Major depression is estimated to have a moderate heritability of 31-42%,[42] with women having higher estimates than men.[43] One common explanation for why depression risk varies in response to genetic differences is that personality traits, especially neuroticism, lead to differences in how individuals respond to major life events due to mediators like rumination.[44] In other words, certain individuals are likely to have lower thresholds for developing major depression due to how they experience different types of adversity, although even those at low risk of depression may experience depression in response to a negative event.[26]

Another source for the heritability of depression likely comes through the heritability of the social stressors commonly associated with depression.[43] This is true of both independent events and dependent events, with a review by Kendler and Baker (2007) showing heritabilites ranging from 7-39% for many social causes of the adversity associated with depression. When looking at major life events in general, this grows to 20-50% depending on the study and the outcome being examined.[45]

Many examples for of the negative life events often associated with depression being heritable come from within the family and romantic relationships. Within the family, cohesion, organization, expressiveness, activity, control, and conflict are all heritable, with estimates ranging from 18 to 30% depending on the variable.[43] Divorce, which may be particularly likely to result in depression, is moderately heritable with about 35% of differences in one's susceptibility to divorce stemming from genetic differences.[2]

Negative social life events outside of the family are also heritable. This is seen in assault (including rape and mugging), troubles getting along with others in social networks, and job loss all being heritable.[3]

This connection between depression and heritable negative life events has led to the suggestion that part of the heritability of depression stems from greater risk of experiencing environments more likely to lead to its occurrence.[46][3] However, it is unlikely to be a complete explanation for the heritability of depression, with one estimate being that the heritability of negative life events account 10-15% of the total heritability of depression.[3] Likewise, the effect of genetic polymoprhisms on negative life effents alone is relatively small compared to environmental differences.[47]

Heritability of protective factors for depression

[edit]

Like risk factors for depression, protective factors have also been shown to be heritable. This is seen in both satisfaction with social relationships and the size of supportive networks, with heritability estimates from 17 to 31% depending on the measure and the population.[43] For example, both family and school connectedness are heritable and unable to be fully accounted for by differences in experience alone.[37] They are also linked to depression, which is negatively correlated with support levels in a longitudinal U.S. sample.[48] This link between depression and a lack of social support and the heritability of aspects of social networks has led to the suggestion that part of depression's heritability likely stems from heritable differences in one's ability to form supportive social networks.[37]

As with predictors of depression, differences in the protective factors associated with social network size and satisfaction may be tied to differences in personality. In particular, differences in one's degree of extraversion are often highlighted as one potential mediator, as extraverts are likely to have larger social networks.[37][43] In line with this reasoning, extraverts are more likely to experience positive life events, especially those that are dependent on one's behavior.[43] However, it is unclear whether positive life events are protective against depression.

DSM-5 and the removal of the bereavement exclusion

[edit]

Social factors are also relevant when it comes to diagnosing depression. An exclusion for the diagnosis of depression due to bereavement was originally observed at the back of the DSM-III, noting that because "a full depressive syndrome frequently is a normal reaction to the death of a loved one", the patient's condition was better understood as Uncomplicated Beareavement. This exclusion became part of the diagnostic criteria in the DSM-III-R and DSM-IV, where individuals experiencing depression symptoms were not considered depressed if the symptoms were in response to the death of a loved one and ended within two months. However, this bereavement exclusion was removed under DSM V, allowing a depression diagnosis to be made under these conditions.[49]

Those in favor of this change argue that while grief related to the loss of a loved one and major depression share many overlapping symptoms, they are not the same thing and that, therefore, bereavement should not prevent a depression diagnosis.[50] Although depression could still be diagnosed with the bereavement clause in place if the individual was suicidal, psychotic, or had trouble with day to day tasks, proponents of its removal argue that underdiagnosis of depression was still a risk due to certain severe symptoms not meeting the criteria (e.g., insomnia, rapid weight loss, or trouble concentrating) and the concern that individuals may hide certain symptoms due to fears of being institutionalized.

The major risk of underdiagnosis due to the bereavement clause is that it would prevent individuals from getting the treatment they could receive with a diagnosis. This is exacerbated by the fact that depression is a risk factor for suicide, thereby creating situations where treatment may be lifesaving.[50] For this reason, proponents of the exclusion's removal argue that the judgement of clinicians needs to be unconstrained by whether or not an individual has lost a loved one and that this would be sufficient in preventing its overdiagnosis. A study by Wakefield (2007) compared depression patients whose diagnosis was triggered by death of a loved one and those whose diagnosis was triggered by a different kind of loss. The study found no major symptomatic difference between the two groups, suggesting the death of a loved one should not be treated differently than other losses.[51]

Critics of the change emphasize that the depressive symptoms seen during bereavement are often normal and that the inclusion of the bereavement exclusion was important to prevent overdiagnosis.[52] Like the proponents of removing the exclusion, they emphasize that grieving individuals often experience symptoms used to diagnose major depression; however, they argue that these symptoms can often be resolved without treatment and often fail to become the chronic or recurrent symptoms that should define major depression.

Instead of removing the bereavement exclusion, Wakefield and First (2012) favor the use of provisional qualifiers and the use of patient history to balance the risks of over- and under-diagnosis.[52] They argue that by classifying someone as provisionally normal before the two-month cut-off of the bereavement clause and in the absence of dangers like suicidal behavior, a clinician can avoid the costs of a false-positive diagnosis while still monitoring their patient closely for signs of pathological depression as opposed to normal grief. To avoid the risk of false-negatives, those with a history of major depression could be diagnosed without this provisional tag due to a previous history of depression being a strong predictor for the onset of future episodes.

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
  1. ^ a b c d Mazure CM (September 1998). "Life Stressors as Risk Factors in Depression". Clinical Psychology: Science and Practice. 5 (3): 291–313. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2850.1998.tb00151.x.
  2. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Kendler KS, Karkowski LM, Prescott CA (June 1999). "Causal relationship between stressful life events and the onset of major depression". The American Journal of Psychiatry. 156 (6): 837–41. doi:10.1176/ajp.156.6.837. PMID 10360120.
  3. ^ a b c d Kendler KS, Karkowski-Shuman L (May 1997). "Stressful life events and genetic liability to major depression: genetic control of exposure to the environment?". Psychological Medicine. 27 (3): 539–47. doi:10.1017/s0033291797004716 (inactive November 2, 2024). PMID 9153675. S2CID 8972938.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of November 2024 (link)
  4. ^ a b c d e f Paykel ES (1994). "Life events, social support and depression". Acta Psychiatrica Scandinavica. Supplementum. 377: 50–8. doi:10.1111/j.1600-0447.1994.tb05803.x. PMID 8053367. S2CID 25392633.
  5. ^ a b c d e f g h i j Hammen C (April 2005). "Stress and depression". Annual Review of Clinical Psychology. 1 (1): 293–319. doi:10.1146/annurev.clinpsy.1.102803.143938. PMID 17716090. S2CID 17119300.
  6. ^ Wakefield JC, Schmitz MF, Baer JC (December 2011). "Relation between duration and severity in bereavement-related depression". Acta Psychiatrica Scandinavica. 124 (6): 487–94. doi:10.1111/j.1600-0447.2011.01768.x. PMID 21950650. S2CID 1466341.
  7. ^ Spinhoven P, Elzinga B, Roelofs K, Hovens JG, van Oppen P, Zitman FG, Penninx BW (September 2011). "The effects of neuroticism, extraversion, and positive and negative life events on a one-year course of depressive symptoms in euthymic previously depressed patients versus healthy controls". The Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease. 199 (9): 684–9. doi:10.1097/nmd.0b013e318229d21f. PMID 21878783. S2CID 11957069.
  8. ^ a b c d e Maciejewski PK, Prigerson HG, Mazure CM (May 2001). "Sex differences in event-related risk for major depression". Psychological Medicine. 31 (4): 593–604. doi:10.1017/s0033291701003877. PMID 11352362. S2CID 29322117.
  9. ^ Harkness KL, Monroe SM, Simons AD, Thase M (January 1999). "The generation of life events in recurrent and non-recurrent depression". Psychological Medicine. 29 (1): 135–44. doi:10.1017/s0033291798007752. PMID 10077302. S2CID 27983839.
  10. ^ Brown GW, Harris TO (1978). Social origins of depression : a study of psychiatric disorder in women. London: Tavistock Publications. ISBN 978-0422763103. OCLC 4057982.
  11. ^ a b Hammen CL (August 2015). "Stress and depression: old questions, new approaches". Current Opinion in Psychology. 4: 80–85. doi:10.1016/j.copsyc.2014.12.024. ISSN 2352-250X. S2CID 55168572.
  12. ^ Paykel E, Cooper Z (1992). "Life Events and Social Stress". In Paykel E (ed.). Handbook of Affective Disorders. New York: The Guilford Press. pp. 149–170. ISBN 9780898626742.
  13. ^ Rojo-Moreno L, Livianos-Aldana L, Cervera-Martínez G, Dominguez-Carabantes JA, Reig-Cebrian MJ (December 2002). "The role of stress in the onset of depressive disorders. A controlled study in a Spanish clinical sample". Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology. 37 (12): 592–8. doi:10.1007/s00127-002-0595-y. PMID 12545237. S2CID 25321819.
  14. ^ Hagen EH, Rosenström T (January 1, 2016). "Explaining the sex difference in depression with a unified bargaining model of anger and depression". Evolution, Medicine, and Public Health. 2016 (1): 117–32. doi:10.1093/emph/eow006. PMC 4804352. PMID 26884416.
  15. ^ a b Nazroo JY, Edwards AC, Brown GW (January 1997). "Gender differences in the onset of depression following a shared life event: a study of couples". Psychological Medicine. 27 (1): 9–19. doi:10.1017/s0033291796004187. PMID 9122312. S2CID 31924661.
  16. ^ a b Kendler KS, Myers J, Prescott CA (February 2005). "Sex differences in the relationship between social support and risk for major depression: a longitudinal study of opposite-sex twin pairs". The American Journal of Psychiatry. 162 (2): 250–6. doi:10.1176/appi.ajp.162.2.250. PMID 15677587.
  17. ^ a b c d Kendler KS, Gardner CO (April 2014). "Sex differences in the pathways to major depression: a study of opposite-sex twin pairs". The American Journal of Psychiatry. 171 (4): 426–35. doi:10.1176/appi.ajp.2013.13101375. PMC 3972260. PMID 24525762.
  18. ^ Coyne JC (1976). "Depression and the response of others". Journal of Abnormal Psychology. 85 (2): 186–193. doi:10.1037/0021-843x.85.2.186. ISSN 1939-1846. PMID 1254779.
  19. ^ a b c Giesler RB, Josephs RA, Swann WB (August 1996). "Self-verification in clinical depression: the desire for negative evaluation". Journal of Abnormal Psychology. 105 (3): 358–68. doi:10.1037/0021-843x.105.3.358. PMID 8772006. S2CID 15080952.
  20. ^ Hammen C (November 1991). "Generation of stress in the course of unipolar depression". Journal of Abnormal Psychology. 100 (4): 555–61. doi:10.1037/0021-843x.100.4.555. PMID 1757669.
  21. ^ Segrin C, Dillard JP (March 1992). "The Interactional Theory of Depression: A Meta-Analysis of the Research Literature". Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology. 11 (1): 43–70. doi:10.1521/jscp.1992.11.1.43. ISSN 0736-7236.
  22. ^ Starr LR, Davila J (November 2008). "Excessive reassurance seeking, depression, and interpersonal rejection: a meta-analytic review". Journal of Abnormal Psychology. 117 (4): 762–75. doi:10.1037/a0013866. PMID 19025224. S2CID 11107255.
  23. ^ a b c d Joiner TE, Metalsky GI (October 1995). "A prospective test of an integrative interpersonal theory of depression: a naturalistic study of college roommates". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 69 (4): 778–88. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.69.4.778. PMID 7473031.
  24. ^ a b Potthoff JG, Holahan CJ, Joiner TE (April 1995). "Reassurance seeking, stress generation, and depressive symptoms: an integrative model". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 68 (4): 664–70. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.68.4.664. PMID 7738769.
  25. ^ a b c Sheeber L, Hops H, Alpert A, Davis B, Andrews J (August 1997). "Family support and conflict: prospective relations to adolescent depression". Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology. 25 (4): 333–44. doi:10.1023/a:1025768504415. PMID 9304449. S2CID 8313014.
  26. ^ a b c d e Kendler KS, Kessler RC, Walters EE, MacLean C, Neale MC, Heath AC, Eaves LJ (June 1995). "Stressful life events, genetic liability, and onset of an episode of major depression in women". The American Journal of Psychiatry. 152 (6): 833–42. doi:10.1176/ajp.152.6.833. PMID 7755111.
  27. ^ Stieglitz J, Schniter E, von Rueden C, Kaplan H, Gurven M (November 2015). "Functional Disability and Social Conflict Increase Risk of Depression in Older Adulthood Among Bolivian Forager-Farmers". The Journals of Gerontology. Series B, Psychological Sciences and Social Sciences. 70 (6): 948–56. doi:10.1093/geronb/gbu080. PMC 4841159. PMID 24986182.
  28. ^ Duncan RD, Saunders BE, Kilpatrick DG, Hanson RF, Resnick HS (July 1996). "Childhood physical assault as a risk factor for PTSD, depression, and substance abuse: findings from a national survey". The American Journal of Orthopsychiatry. 66 (3): 437–48. doi:10.1037/h0080194. PMID 8827267.
  29. ^ Park J, Lee DS, Shablack H, Verduyn P, Deldin P, Ybarra O, Jonides J, Kross E (August 2016). "When perceptions defy reality: The relationships between depression and actual and perceived Facebook social support". Journal of Affective Disorders. 200: 37–44. doi:10.1016/j.jad.2016.01.048. hdl:2027.42/136039. PMID 27126138. S2CID 4762954.
  30. ^ a b Leskelä U, Melartin T, Rytsälä H, Sokero P, Lestelä-Mielonen P, Isometsä E (December 2008). "The influence of major depressive disorder on objective and subjective social support: a prospective study". The Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease. 196 (12): 876–83. doi:10.1097/nmd.0b013e31818ec6cf. PMID 19077854. S2CID 9737479.
  31. ^ a b c Sheeber L, Hops H, Davis B (March 2001). "Family processes in adolescent depression". Clinical Child and Family Psychology Review. 4 (1): 19–35. doi:10.1023/a:1009524626436. PMID 11388562. S2CID 11693465.
  32. ^ "Undergraduate Reference Group Executive Summary, Spring 2019 (pdf)". www.acha.org. Retrieved November 21, 2019.
  33. ^ Shensa A, Escobar-Viera CG, Sidani JE, Bowman ND, Marshal MP, Primack BA (June 1, 2017). "Problematic social media use and depressive symptoms among U.S. young adults: A nationally-representative study". Social Science & Medicine. 182: 150–157. doi:10.1016/j.socscimed.2017.03.061. ISSN 0277-9536. PMC 5476225. PMID 28446367.
  34. ^ Jasso-Medrano JL, López-Rosales F (October 1, 2018). "Measuring the relationship between social media use and addictive behavior and depression and suicide ideation among university students". Computers in Human Behavior. 87: 183–191. doi:10.1016/j.chb.2018.05.003. ISSN 0747-5632. S2CID 51880577.
  35. ^ Hunt MG, Marx R, Lipson C, Young J (November 8, 2018). "No More FOMO: Limiting Social Media Decreases Loneliness and Depression". Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology. 37 (10): 751–768. doi:10.1521/jscp.2018.37.10.751. ISSN 0736-7236.
  36. ^ Shensa A, Sidani JE, Escobar-Viera CG, Chu KH, Bowman ND, Knight JM, Primack BA (November 17, 2018). "Real-life closeness of social media contacts and depressive symptoms among university students". Journal of American College Health. 66 (8): 747–753. doi:10.1080/07448481.2018.1440575. ISSN 0744-8481. PMID 29452042. S2CID 4475698.
  37. ^ a b c d Jacobson KC, Rowe DC (July 1999). "Genetic and environmental influences on the relationships between family connectedness, school connectedness, and adolescent depressed mood: sex differences". Developmental Psychology. 35 (4): 926–39. doi:10.1037/0012-1649.35.4.926. PMID 10442862.
  38. ^ a b c Schwartz OS, Dudgeon P, Sheeber LB, Yap MB, Simmons JG, Allen NB (May 2011). "Observed maternal responses to adolescent behaviour predict the onset of major depression". Behaviour Research and Therapy. 49 (5): 331–8. doi:10.1016/j.brat.2011.02.008. PMID 21440243.
  39. ^ a b Sheeber LB, Davis B, Leve C, Hops H, Tildesley E (February 2007). "Adolescents' relationships with their mothers and fathers: associations with depressive disorder and subdiagnostic symptomatology". Journal of Abnormal Psychology. 116 (1): 144–54. doi:10.1037/0021-843x.116.1.144. PMC 2249923. PMID 17324025.
  40. ^ Barrera M, Chassin L, Rogosch F (April 1993). "Effects of social support and conflict on adolescent children of alcoholic and nonalcoholic fathers". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 64 (4): 602–12. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.64.4.602. PMID 8473977.
  41. ^ Hagen EH (December 2011). "Evolutionary theories of depression: a critical review". Canadian Journal of Psychiatry. 56 (12): 716–26. doi:10.1177/070674371105601203. PMID 22152640.
  42. ^ Sullivan PF, Neale MC, Kendler KS (October 2000). "Genetic epidemiology of major depression: review and meta-analysis". The American Journal of Psychiatry. 157 (10): 1552–62. doi:10.1176/appi.ajp.157.10.1552. PMID 11007705.
  43. ^ a b c d e f Kendler KS, Baker JH (May 2007). "Genetic influences on measures of the environment: a systematic review". Psychological Medicine. 37 (5): 615–26. doi:10.1017/S0033291706009524 (inactive November 1, 2024). PMID 17176502. S2CID 43598144.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of November 2024 (link)
  44. ^ Roelofs J, Huibers M, Peeters F, Arntz A, van Os J (December 2008). "Rumination and worrying as possible mediators in the relation between neuroticism and symptoms of depression and anxiety in clinically depressed individuals" (PDF). Behaviour Research and Therapy. 46 (12): 1283–9. doi:10.1016/j.brat.2008.10.002. PMID 19006785.
  45. ^ Power RA, Wingenbach T, Cohen-Woods S, Uher R, Ng MY, Butler AW, et al. (September 2013). "Estimating the heritability of reporting stressful life events captured by common genetic variants". Psychological Medicine. 43 (9): 1965–71. doi:10.1017/S0033291712002589. hdl:10722/189366. PMID 23237013. S2CID 293653.
  46. ^ McGuffin P, Katz R, Aldrich J, Bebbington P (June 1988). "The Camberwell Collaborative Depression Study. II. Investigation of family members". The British Journal of Psychiatry. 152: 766–74. doi:10.1192/bjp.152.6.766. PMID 3167462. S2CID 40795511.
  47. ^ Kandler C, Bleidorn W, Riemann R, Angleitner A, Spinath FM (January 2012). "Life events as environmental States and genetic traits and the role of personality: a longitudinal twin study". Behavior Genetics. 42 (1): 57–72. doi:10.1007/s10519-011-9491-0. PMID 21822914. S2CID 254287903.
  48. ^ Resnick MD, Bearman PS, Blum RW, Bauman KE, Harris KM, Jones J, Tabor J, Beuhring T, Sieving RE, Shew M, Ireland M, Bearinger LH, Udry JR (September 1997). "Protecting adolescents from harm. Findings from the National Longitudinal Study on Adolescent Health". JAMA. 278 (10): 823–32. doi:10.1001/jama.1997.03550100049038. PMID 9293990.
  49. ^ "A Guide to DSM-5: Removal of the Bereavement Exclusion From MDD". Medscape. Retrieved May 2, 2018.
  50. ^ a b Pies RW (July 2014). "The Bereavement Exclusion and DSM-5: An Update and Commentary". Innovations in Clinical Neuroscience. 11 (7–8): 19–22. PMC 4204469. PMID 25337442.
  51. ^ Wakefield J (2007). "Extending the Bereavement Exclusion for Major Depression to Other Losses". Arch Gen Psychiatry. 64 (4): 433–40. doi:10.1001/archpsyc.64.4.433. PMID 17404120.
  52. ^ a b Wakefield JC, First MB (February 2012). "Validity of the bereavement exclusion to major depression: does the empirical evidence support the proposal to eliminate the exclusion in DSM-5?". World Psychiatry. 11 (1): 3–10. doi:10.1016/j.wpsyc.2012.01.002. PMC 3266762. PMID 22294996.
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Social_predictors_of_depression&oldid=1254973016"